а вас не смущает,что в вавилонских а ассирийских текстах, нет никого Арарата, и государство называлось;
Урарту в ассирийских и Урашту в вавилонских.
А вас не смущает название провинции Айрарат ?
http://ru.wikipedia....rg/wiki/Айраратhttp://www.bvahan.co...Rus/Airarat.htmУ вас есть обоснование вывадимости названия этой центральной армянской провинции из масоретского прочтения -ссылку можно?
Далее, источники не знают не одного армянского имени или топонима на территории Урарту,
Ну раз ни одного "не знают",то наверно две хватит .
Aracani, Eastern Euphrates,
Assyr. Arṣania, ancient Arsanias (Pliny 5.20),
●ETYM No etymology in Hübschmann 1904: 404 (considered ‘vorarmenisch’).
Together with *Arč-ēš (probably due to assimilation from *Arc-ēš), Aracani has
been derived from PIE *h2(e)rĝ- ‘shiny, whitish’, cf. arcat‘ ‘silver’ (see J̌ihanyan
1991: 232, 233-234; S. Petrosyan 1991: 129-131; A. Petrosyan 2006: 12-14).
Possible cognate place-names: Arga in Spain, Argà or Arge in Lithuania, Gr. Ἄργος,
Thrac. Ἄρζος, Illyr. Argya, etc. (see Krahe 1955: 94; 1963: 292, 2922, 315-316;
Pârvulescu 1989: 290-291), as well as Av. ərəzī- f. ‘Name eines Zuflusses des Sees
Kąsaoiia’ in Yt 19.67g (see Hintze 1994: 416). For the typology, compare Arcat‘-
aɫber-k‘, a plain in Basean, literally: ‘Silver Springs’ (Hübschmann 1904: 404),
attested in Łazar P‘arpec‘i (5th cent.) 3.79 [1904: 146L9]: i daštin aɫberakanc‘, zor
Arcat‘aɫbersn koč‘en "in the plain of springs which is called ‘Silver Springs’"
(transl. Thomson 1991: 204).
Although not attested in the 5th century, the river-name Aracani must be very old
since it is attested in the form *Arcani- in Assyrian sources onwards.149 The form
Aracani vs. *Arcani- and the ending -ani have not received a proper interpretation.
In what follows I offer a tentative explanation for them.
The cognate forms of the PIE appellative point to:
*h2(e)rĝ-: Hitt. ḫarki- ‘white, bright’, Skt. r̥ jrá- ‘shining reddishly,
brightcoloured; quick’, Gr. ἀργός ‘shining white; quick’ (Caland-system *-i- vs.
*-ro-, Collinge 1985: 23-27; Beekes 1995: 170; Szemerényi 1996: 193-194;
Kloekhorst 2008: 307; see also Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 1992: 253-254);
*h2erĝ-u-: Toch. A ārki, B ārkwi ‘white’ < PToch. *ārkw(ä)i < *h2erĝ-u(i)-n- (cf.
Toch. A ārkyañc), Skt. árjuna- ‘light, white, silver-coloured’, Gr. ἄργυρος m.
‘silver’, ἄργυφος ‘silver-shining’, etc. (Specht 1947: 113-115; Huld/Adams apud
Mallory/Adams 1997: 641b; Adams 1999: 49-50, and references below);
*h2(e)rĝ-n̥t-: YAv. ərəzata- n., OPers. ardata- ‘silver’, Lat. argentum n. ‘silver’,
etc. (see s.v. arcat‘ ‘silver’); on Skt. rajatá-, see below.
The PIE hypothetical paradigm *h2erĝ-u- vs. *h2rĝ-e/ont- might produce PArm.
nom. *(h)arc-u-r (cf. also Gr. ἄργυρος ‘silver’) vs. oblique and compositional
*arcan(t) ‘white, silver-shining’. Both forms may be seen in river-names, *Arcanand
*Arcur- (q.v.). For the paradigm, compare barj-r, GDSg barj-u, NPl barjun-k‘,
GDPl barjan-c‘ ‘high’ vs. Hitt. parku- ‘high’ : Skt. br̥hánt- (f. br̥hatī́-), YAv.
bərəzaṇt- (f. bərəzaitī-), Oss. bærzond, etc. ‘high’ (see s.v. barjr ‘high’). Note
especially the ‘Old European’ hydronym Brigantia (on which see Krahe AltFluß 3,
1951-52: 225-227; 1963: 322). Note also other European hydronyms in -(a)nt-,
-antia and the like, especially Argantia (see Krahe AltFluß 3, 1951-52: 1ff, 236ff; 4,
1953: 37ff, 243; Krahe 1959: 11-12; 1963: 316a).
Next to the root form *h2(e)rĝ- (see above), in Indo-Iranian one also finds *h2reĝ-
: Skt. rajatá- ‘silver-coloured, shining white, made of silver’, n. ‘silver’ (cf.
Mallory/Huld 1984: 4-5150; Gamkrelidze/Ivanov 1984, 1: 229 = 1995, 1: Mayrhofer
EWAia 1, 1992: 116; 2, 1996: 425-426). If the theory on early Iranian or Aryan
borrowings in Armenian is accepted (see s.vv. arcat‘ ‘silver’, arcui ‘eagle’), one
may tentatively assume that the Armenian by-form *Aracan- (vs. regular *Arcan-) is
due to influence of an Aryan unattested *raj-(a)nt- ‘silver-coloured, shining white’.
Tuaracatap‘, a district in the province of Turuberan. Attested in Ašxarhac‘oyc‘ (7th
cent.) [Soukry 1881: 31; Eremyan 1963: 107a]; in the short recension: Tuaracatap‘
[MovsXorenMaten 1865: 607], corrupted variants: Muracatap‘, Markatap‘ [A. G.
Abrahamyan 1944: 349L21]. On the attestation in Aristakēs Lastivertc‘i, see below.
●ETYM Clearly composed as tuarac + -a- + tap‘ ‘plain, land’. The word tuarac (see
s.v. tuar ‘cattle’
Arm. tuar ‘neat, cattle’ (dial. ubiquitous *tawar, see HAB 4: 424b)
in tuarac = tuar ‘cattle’ + arac ‘pasturing’ through haplology, meaning ‘pasturing’
(Eusebius of Caesarea: i tuarac-i) and ‘pasturer, herdsman’ (in a homily ascribed to
Eɫišē), cf. also tuarac-akan ‘herdsman’ Bible+ [NHB 2: 890bc]; see also s.v. placename
Tuarac-a-tap‘. Usually compared to OEngl. tīber, tīfer n. ‘sacrificial animal,
sacrifice’, OHG zebar ‘id.’, late MHG ungezībere, Germ. Un-ge-ziefer n.
‘schädlisches Kleingetier: vermin’, actually, ‘impure animal, not fit for sacrifice’,
OIc. tīvurr m. (if meaning ‘offering’ and not ‘god’), Goth. *tibr ‘offering’, etc.; see
Lidén 1906: 8-10; HAB 4: 424; Pokorny 1959: 222; J̌ahukyan 1987: 118;
Mallory/Adams 2006: 142. For a further discussion on this etymon, see Scardigli
1961: 138, 1384; Hamp 1973: 322; Polomé 1975: 659-660; Lehmann 1986: 344;
Pfeifer 1989, 3: 1873. This etymon has been compared to Semitic (< Afro-Asiatic)
*ḏ-b-ḥ ‘to sacrifice’: Ugar. dbḥ ‘sacrifice’, Hebr. zǣḇaḥ ‘sacrificial animal’, Arab.
ḏ-b-ḥ ‘to sacrifice’, ḏibḥu ‘sacrifice’; etc. (see Illič-Svityč 1964: 6Nr19); note possible
Kartvelian parallels: Svan tbəl- ‘to sacrifice’, etc. (ibid. 619). On the other hand, the
Armenian dialectal form *tawar is reminiscent of Semitic *táwar- ‘bull’.
The relationship between all these IE and non-IE words is not quite clear.
Regardless of the ultimate origin of the etymon and further details, one may
tentatively posit a Mediterranean-Pontic-Neareastern cultural word *de/aip-n- or
*deip-r- ‘sacrificial animal, sacrificial meal’.) means ‘pasturing’ (Eusebius of Caesarea: i tuaraci) and ‘pasturer,
herdsman’ (in a homily of / ascribed to Eɫišē), cf. also tuarac-akan ‘herdsman’
(Bible+) [NHB 2: 890bc]. The place-name has been explained in NHB (2: 890c) as
“a plain place of pasturing” (teɫi arōti tap‘arak). Hübschmann (1904: 476), however,
departs from the meaning ‘herdsman’ (‘Hirt’) and interprets the place-name as
‘Hirtenebene’ (for the component tap‘, see ibid. 388). The same view is reflected in
V. Xačatrjan 1980: 111. Note that only the meaning ‘herdsman’ is present in the
dialects (see Ačaṙean 1913: 1019b). For ‘pasturer’ > ‘pasturing’, see also s.v.
hawran. Note dial. tavar-a-tap‘ ‘gathering place of cattle’ (see Mkrtumjan 1974:
73b).
Ačaṙyan (HAB 4: 424a) points out that tuarac-a-tap‘ ‘place for cattle pasturing’
also (underlining mine – HM) appears as a place-name. In fact, there seems to exist
no attestation for this compounded appellative. NHB (2: 860c, 890c) cites one
illustration found in Aristakēs Lastivertc‘i 16 (11th cent.): i tuaracoy tap‘, and refers
to the place-name Tuarac-a-tap‘. It seems that both NHB and HAB take tuaracoy
tap‘ of Lastivertc‘i as an appellative. However, a closer look at the passage shows
that we are dealing with the same place-name Tuarac-a-tap‘, as is correctly
understood by Yuzbašyan. The passage reads as follows: <...>, xaɫay iǰanē i
Tuaracoy Tap‘, ew anti iǰanē yəndarjak daštn Basenoy aṙ anaṙ amroc‘awn or koč‘i
Awnik : “<...> направился к Туарац’ой Тап‘у. Оттуда он спустился к широкой
долине Басеана и [подошел] к неприступной крепости по названию Ав̣ник”
[Yuzbašyan 1963: 89L20f, 158b; 1968: 101, 16618].
The place-name is obviously reflected in Urart. Ṭuaraṣini ḫubi, see Kapancjan,
ibid.; Eremyan 1963: 86; Arutjunjan 1965: 195-197; V. Xačatrjan 1980: 111;
Diakonoff/Kashkai 1981: 87; J̌ahukyan 1985a: 369; 1987: 430, 443; 1988: 155.
Instead of tap‘, here we find Urart. ḫubi, somehow related with Arm. hovit ‘valley’,
which is very prodactive in place-names (see J̌ahukyan 1985a: 370; 1987: 434,
442-443).
That a district-name is based on the idea of pasturing is natural, cf. e.g. Kog-ovit
(q.v.). Moreover, as we can see from an Urartian inscription,
Ṭuaraṣini ḫubi must
have had a considerable quantity of cattle and flock [Arutjunjan 1965: 196-197].
и клинописные тексты этого государства написаны не на армянском языке.
Уже до конца перевели отдельные слова в урартских текстах?
Меня интерисуют вот эти.
Ассирийскому войску моя страна 22)
ašduhttp://annals.xlegio...u/ukn/127_3.htmАргишти говорит: услышал я, из (?) страны Этиуни
aštiu города Ардини zirbilani.
Из
dainalatini27) я канал провел, создал я благосостояние (?) (моему) царству (?).
http://annals.xlegio...u/ukn/127_5.htmссылку можно?
P.S.А может вы и сказки Клейна расскажите про то как Митта из Паххувы с фригийцами из Балкан перебиралься в Хайасу через касков чтоб не задеть ещё существуюшее хеттское государство?
Ну что вам стоит?
Просим на бис.
Сообщение отредактировал Лучник: 21.03.2011 - 21:24 PM
