Первое упоминание слова "норманны" во франкских хрониках из числа современников описываемых событий - это Аймоин Монах Сен-Жерменский (смерть датируется 896 годом):
On trouve le lat. médiév. Nortmannus dès la fin du ix[/size]es. (Aimoinus Sangermanensis - Du Cange).
https://www.cnrtl.fr...ion/normannique
У него их упоминание стоит, как я понял, под 846 годом (в работе Чудеса совершённые святым Германом (Сен-Жерменом)):
8170
Aimoinus Sangermanensis, De miraculis S. Germani, 126, 1029B (auctor fl. 800)
Anno incarnationis Domini Iesu Christi octingentesimo quadragesimo kexto, regis autem praecellentissimi Caroli kexto, cum regnum Francorum post obitum domni Ludovici imperatoris varias divisum esset in partes, et peccata populi crescerent, sanguisque sanguinem tangeret; Deo permittente, flagitiis quidem exigentibus actum est nostris, ut exterae nationes e propriis egrederentur sedibus, videlicet gens Danorum, qui vulgo Nortmanni, id est Septentrionales homines appellantur: et superbo tumentique corde cum valido navium apparatu Christianorum fines intrarent, qui huc illucque furentes, atque cum magna superbia cuncta gyrantes, coeperunt vastando per diversas insulas maris, donec nemine sibi resistente fluvium Sequanae ingressi, Rotomaco [Rouen] sorte incredibili applicarent. Cumque in eadem civitate aliquantisper demorantes, regionis principes (quod absque ingenti contritione cordis effari nequivimus) ad bellandum pigros timidosque adverterent; exeuntes a navibus, longe lateque diffusi, coeperunt utriusque kexus multitudinem trucidare, captivare, villas, monasteria, ecclesiasque depopulando cremare, totamque suae libidinis immensitatem cum omni crudelitate in populum Dei debacchando exercere: quousque ad locum, qui vocatur Caroli-venna, ventis velisque suae malignitati iusto Dei iudicio secundantibus, ultra spem securi navigando venirent.
http://www.mlat.uzh....me=1&jumpto=1#1
В ирландских Анналах норманны впервые упоминаются под 837 годом под названием Norddmaibh ("норманнский" - тут речь идёт о флоте некоего Саксульба (=Саксульф(р)), к которому применено слово "вождь").
The earliest to appear is
Nordmanni (“Northmen”), attested 23 times in the annals between 837 and
948. This is a Latinisation of a Germanic word, denoting Scandinavians in
general or Norwegians. It could derive, perhaps, from an Old Norse plural
Norðmenn. In form, however, it looks more like an Old English singular
Norðman, or more likely, perhaps, a derivative of Nordmania (“North-
land, Norway”), with a personal plural ending. Nordmania and Nordmanni
are well established in the vocabulary of the Frankish annals for the first
half of the ninth century, where Nordmanni is clearly interchangeable
with Dani “Danes”.4 Nordmanni also appears in the Vita Findani, a text
the hero of which was a victim of Viking raiding in Ireland but, although
containing Old Irish words and phrases, was probably written in southern
Germany, where Fintan ended his days, in the late ninth century.5 In
these contexts, the word presumably reflects Frankish rather than English
usage and is therefore probably common West Germanic. A form of the
word first appears in Irish annals for 837, at just the time when it was current
among the Frankish chroniclers. The Vita Findani, some references
to Viking activity in Ireland in the Frankish annals, and a couple of obits
of Frankish royalty in the Irish annals for the first half of the ninth century
suggest possible channels by which Frankish chroniclers’ vocabulary
might have been communicated.6
The year 837 saw, in addition to the first reference to Nordmanni in
the Irish annals, an unprecedented volume of Viking activity in Ireland,
as well as two qualitative changes in the Irish annalists’ reporting of the
Vikings. These changes suggest growing familiarity with Vikings on the
annalists’ part, as does, perhaps, the increasing preference for ‘Foreigners’
over ‘pagans’ as a standard designation. In 837, for the first time, a precise
figure is put on the size of a Viking fleet, described as longas . . . di
Norddmannaibh (“a fleet . . . of Nordmanni ”). For the first time, a Viking
leader is identified by name, Saxulb (Saxulfr), and described as a toísech
‘chief ’, the earliest annalistic instance of this title.
Nordmanni is subsequently used intermittently until the end of the
ninth century: in AU 842.8, 853.6, 859.4, 863.3, 870.6, 871.4, 873.3, 875.4,
881.3, 888.9, 896.9 and Annals of the Four Masters (hereafter AFM, s. a.
884) 887.7 From 870, Nordmanni is clearly used of subjects of the Dublin
leadership, comprising Amlaíb (Áleifr), Ímar (Ívarr) and their descendants.
Ímar, at his death, is called (in AU 873.3) rex Nordmannorum totius
Hiberniae 7 Britaniae (“king of the Nordmanni of all Ireland and Britain”).
References to Nordmanni resume in the tenth century, in AU 928.4, 934.1,
935.6, 937.6, Chronicum Scotorum (CS under 947) 948 and AFM 916 [914].8
It again refers to the Dublin Vikings in 934, 937 and 948, and to the Vikings
of Wexford in 935. Nordmanni is no longer used in the Irish annals after
948. This could be due to reduced use of Latin in the annals from the
mid-tenth century. However, Latin still occurs in the annals into the eleventh
century.9 The Gaelicised version of the word, Nortmainn, found in
AFM—and in the first example in AU 837—no longer occurs after AFM
948 [946]. Perhaps the abandonment of the term is linked somehow to
the end of the York-Dublin connection in the middle of the tenth century.
In that case, the change could be merely textual: the end of a connection
with a Latin-Germanic chronicling tradition, from which the usage must
have originated. Alternatively, we may see a more direct reflex of the end
of the York-Dublin axis. Since the 870s, Nordmanni had designated, in particular,
adherents of Viking kings whose interests straddled the Irish Sea.
4 Annals of St-Bertin (Nordmanni first in 836) and Annals of Fulda (Nordmannia first
in 810; Nordmanni in 828), in G. H. Pertz, ed., Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores
(hereafter MGHS) 1 (Hanover 1826), 354–66, 430–45; see Dumville, “Old Dubliners and new
Dubliners in Ireland and Britain: a Viking-age story”, in S. Duffy, ed., Medieval Dublin 6
(2005): 78–93, at 79–80.
5 Oswald Holder-Egger, ed., MGHS 15.i (Hanover, 1887), 502–6; J. F. Kenney, The sources
for the early history of Ireland: ecclesiastical (New York: Octagon, 1929), 602–3; cf. R. J. Berry
and H. N. Firth, ed., The people of Orkney (Kirkwall: Orkney, 1986), 279–87.
6 For Irish Vikings in the Frankish annals, see MGHS 1, 355 (s. a. 812, uncorroborated by
Irish sources), 443 (s. aa. 847, 848); for Franks in Irish annals, see AU 813.7, 840.2.
7 The Latin form is invariable, except for 887, a record unique to the Irish-language
AFM (J. O’Donovan, ed., The Annals of the kingdom of Ireland . . . by the Four Masters (7 vols.,
Dublin, 1856)) and the very first instance, in AU (837.3). This reads longas tre fichet long di
Norddmannaibh for Bóinn (“a fleet of sixty ships of the Nordmanni on the Boyne”), where
the word has been provided with an Irish dative plural ending.
8 All but the first (unique to AFM 916 [914]) being in Latin; for CS see W. M. Hennessy,
ed., Chronicum Scotorum (London: Longman, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1866).
9 David Dumville, “Latin and Irish in the Annals of Ulster, A.D. 431–1050”, in D.
Whitelock et al., ed., Ireland in early medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1982), 320–41: 330–2, where he notes that the last instance of Nordmanni in AU is at
937; the 948 example is in CS.
То есть, во франкских Анналах впервые хронологически этот термин возникает в Фульденских Анналах под 826 годом (как Нордманния) и под 828 годом (как "нордманны"), а также в Бертинских Анналах под 836 годом. ВСЕ франкские Анналы 9 века без исключения используют в связи с событиями в континентальной Европе термин "нордманы" в качестве синонима, заменяющего слово "даны", вперемежку с которым они это слово и используют. В отношении к Ирландии в то же время этот термин во франкских Хрониках (напр. MGHS 1, 443) мог означать и норвежцев.
Among a number of Irish military victories over Vikings in 848,
it was perhaps the slaying of a Scandinavian royal, in particular, that
prompted the Frankish annalist for this year to notice a great victory by
the Irish (Scotti) over the Nordmanni.33
33 MGHS 1, 443.
This was evidently a major intervention and inaugurated a twentyyear
period, during which Amlaíb and his close associate (brother?) Ímar
(Ívarr) dominated Dublin-based Viking activity in Ireland and Britain.
This period terminated with the disappearance of Amlaíb after 871 and
the death of Ímar rex Nordmannorum totius Hiberniae 7 Brittaniae (“king
of the Northmen of all Ireland and Britain”), in 873 (AU 873.3).
Финнгенты-финнга(й)лы (норвежцы?) против дубгентов-дубгайлов (данов?) в Ирландии и проблема интерпретации этих терминов:
much-discussed problem
of the distinction between two groups of Vikings, one termed finn‘white/bright/fair’ and the other dub ‘black/dark’. From 851 to 941, theIrish annals have seventeen instances of Dubgenti (“Black/Dark Pagans”),or Dubgaill (“Black/Dark Foreigners”), juxtaposed six times with Finngenti(“White/Bright/Fair pagans”), or Finngaill (“White/Bright/Fair Foreigners”).Thirty years ago, Alfred Smyth rejected the literal interpretation of theseterms as referring to either hair-colour or armour. He suggested that duband finn may mean ‘new’ and ‘old’ respectively, referring to the ‘newness’of ‘Danish’ Viking arrivals in Ireland in the mid-ninth century, by contrastwith the ‘oldness’ of the established ‘Norwegians’, after two generations.12Donnchadh Ó Corráin soon dubbed this a “curious interpretation ofthe terms”, but recently Ailbhe Mac Shamhráin tacitly adapted Smyth’sexplanation, suggesting dub means “young, fresh, in contrast to finn (fair,white), meaning old, hoary”.13 More recently still, David Dumville stronglyendorsed Smyth’s retranslation of dub and finn, as applied to Vikings.Dumville denied that these epithets, attached to the words ‘pagan’ or ‘foreigner’,were ethnonyms referring to Norwegians and Danes, and statedthat they were descriptions of “families who over the following generationsturned into dynasties”.14 There is a danger that two distinct aspectsof the problem become confused: how to translate the terms based onthe literal meanings to be attributed to dub and finn, and what, in a moregeneral sense, is denoted by the terms. We will return to the question ofliteral translation, but let us first look closely at the annals, to see if theyshed any light on the general sense in which the dub/finn distinction isused of groups of Vikings.The terminology is first attested in 851, when Dubgenti arrived at Dublin,inflicted ár mór du Finngallaibh (“a great slaughter of Finngaill”) and tookvaluables and captives. It is perfectly clear that the Vikings dubbed dubwere new arrivals, while those described as finn were incumbents. In thesame year, 851, Dubgenti plundered Linn Duachaill (seemingly at or nearAnnagassan, County Louth) and then suffered ár mór (“a great slaughter”).15Slaughter of large numbers of Finngaill and Dubgenti in these encounterstells against the idea that the terms designate merely ‘families’ or ‘dynasties’,rather than mass warrior-bands, or even whole communities or peoples.This too is the implication of a reference, in the following year, 852,to the arrival of lucht ocht fichet long di Findgentibh (“the crews of 160ships of Finngenti”) at Carlingford Lough, County Louth, where they weredefeated by the Dubgenti after a three-day-long battle (AU 852.3). In 856,the killing of Horm (Ormr), chief (toésech) of the Dubgennti, by the Welshking Rhodri Mawr ap Mervyn of Gwynedd, is reported (AU 856.6). In 867,the Dubgaill are credited with taking York and, in 870, a Viking called Ulf(Úlfr) Dubgall slew a local dynast from the region north of Dublin (AU867.7, 870.7). In 875, the Picts were slaughtered by the Dubgaill and, in877, Rhodri Mawr fled from the Dubgaill to Ireland (AU 875.3, 877.3). Inthe latter year, a battle between Finngenti and Dubgenti at StrangfordLough, County Down, saw Albann (Hálfdan) chief (dux) of the Dubgentikilled (AU 877.5). In 893, the defeat of Vikings by the English at Buttington,Montgomery, is described by the Irish annalist as a defeat of the Dubgaill(AU 893.3). In 917 and 918, Ragnall (Ragnaldr), the paramount leader ofthe new wave of Vikings in Ireland, is entitled rí Dubgall (“king of theDubgaill”), but on his death, at York, in 921, rí Finngall 7 Dubgall (AU 917.3,918.4, 921.4). In 927, Ragnall’s successor at York, Sitric (Sigtryggr), formerlyking of Dublin, is called rí Dubgall 7 Finngall on his death (AU 927.2). In941, Amlaíb mac Gothfrith (Áleifr Guðrǫðsson), former king of Dublin, iscalled rí Finngall 7 Dubgall on his death at York, the last occurrence of thisterminology in the contemporary Irish annals.1612 “The Black Foreigners of York and the White Foreigners of Dublin’, Saga-Book of theViking Society 19 (1975–6): 101–17.13 Ó Corráin, “High-kings”, 295; Ailbhe Mac Shamhráin, The Vikings: an illustrated history(Dublin: Wolfhound, 2002), 47–8, is presumably influenced by Smyth, whose paper,however, is not cited.14 Dumville, “Old Dubliners”, 83; cf. p. 91.15 AU 851.3; for the location of Linn Duachaill see Edmund Hogan, OnomasticonGoedelicum locorum et tribuum Hiberniae et Scotiae (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co, 1910), 490.16 CS 941 [940]; this reference was missed by Smyth “The Black Foreigners”, 103, 115,although he did give qualified credence to a reference to Dubgaill in a non-contemporaryaddition in the later MS of AU for 943 (115–16); the 941 reference in CS, which is undoubtedlyauthentic, was noticed by Dumville, “Old Dubliners”, 93.
In 867, both annalistic traditionscredit ‘Black Foreigners’ or ‘Black Pagans’ with the capture of York,which we know to have been the work of primarily Danish Vikings. Thepresumption is also consistent with the fact that Vikings dubbed ‘black’are strongly—though not, of course, exclusively—associated with Britain(England, Pictland and Wales) in both Irish and Welsh annalistic traditions.Finngenti and Finngaill, by contrast, occur only in the Irish annals,only in an Irish context and only in juxtaposition to Vikings dubbed‘black’, who were secondary arrivals on the Irish scene in 851.23 We mayalso take account of the title rí Finngall 7 Dubgall, which was applied in921, 927 and 941 only to kings who in some sense commanded both Yorkand Dublin.Dumville, as we have seen, strongly endorsed Smyth’s endeavoureffectively to re-translate finn and dub, as applied to groups of Vikings.He hailed “Smyth’s watertight demonstration . . . that in this context finnmeans ‘the first of two’ and dub ‘the second of two’, so ‘the former’/‘thelatter’, ‘the earlier’/‘the later’ ”. However, Dumville also stated “Smyth wascomprehensively mistaken in 1975 when he wrote that ‘the term Rí FinnGaill 7 Dub Gaill in Irish annals has the very definite meaning of ‘King ofthe Norwegians of Dublin and the Danes of York’ ”.24 On the latter point,Smyth did erroneously present the title with genitive singular forms(reproduced without comment by Dumville) that would require a literaltranslation “king of the Fair Foreigner and Dark Foreigner”. That was notDumville’s concern, in relation to which, however, it seems difficult tojustify so emphatic a rejection of Smyth’s proposed distinction betweenDublin ‘Norwegians’ and York ‘Danes’, in view of the evidence I have outlinedabove. On Dumville’s first point, one can readily agree with Smyththat those Vikings described as dub were, in fact, ‘new, later’, in the senseof being secondary arrivals who appeared in Irish records only in 851.However, Smyth’s attempt to re-translate the terms dub and finn, as distinctfrom re-interpreting them, far from being “watertight”, as Dumvilledeclared, seems to me quite unconvincing.I would agree with Smyth that the terms are unlikely to refer literallyto colour, whether of hair, complexion, apparel or armour.25 I woulddisagree that there is good evidence for re-translating dub/finn to mean,literally, “new”/“old”, and so forth, respectively, or that, for example,Conell Mageoghagan’s Annals of Clonmacnoise is evidence for actual retranslation,as distinct from interpretation.26 The evidence seems flimsy,to say the least, that dub has any general meaning ‘fresh, new’, or the like,and that finn has a general meaning ‘old’—still less ‘white’, in the sense‘hoary’, as proposed by Mac Shamhráin.27 To account for all the evidence,one might expect that Modern and Middle Welsh du, Old Welsh dub,could also mean ‘fresh, new’ or the like, but there is not the slightest traceof this. In addition to the literal meaning ‘black, dark’, the attested figurativemeanings of the Welsh word include ‘gloomy, bitter, wicked’, resemblingthe figurative meanings of the corresponding Irish word, these being‘dire, gloomy, melancholy’.28 Should we not look to this well-attested setof entirely negative figurative connotations in seeking to understand howto translate, as distinct from interpret Dubgenti, Dubgaill, Gentiles Nigri,Kenedloed Duon and Llu Du? Need we venture beyond the obvious? Inthe Irish context, the essentially negative light in which the newcomerswere viewed, when they first appeared in the records in 851, contrasts withthe comparatively indulgent light in which the old-established Vikingswere regarded. The defining epithet in Finngenti/Finngaill has invariablypositive connotations: ‘white, bright, lustrous, fair, handsome, blessed, just,true, clear’.29 Just as ‘Foreigner’ itself may represent a modification of theunqualifiedly hostile connotations of ‘pagan’, so the dub/finn dichotomymay stem from a mid ninth-century perception that some Vikings—evenif pagans—were more acceptable than were others, on the ‘devil youknow’ principle. I suggest we continue to translate the dub/finn elements,compounded with ‘pagan’ or ‘Foreigner’, as ‘black/dark’ and ‘fair’/‘white’,while recognising that, figuratively, they carried pejorative/indulgentconnotations.However that may be, Dubgenti/Dubgaill undoubtedly refers in Irelandto a secondary, intrusive Viking group and, on the evidence adduced, maymean Vikings of primarily Danish origin. If that is correct, Danes were adistinctive element of the Irish Viking experience, at least in the secondhalf of the ninth century. Egon Wamers’s studies of Insular metalwork inViking-age Scandinavian graves reveals a small corpus of such material inDenmark, alongside the predominantly west Norwegian concentration.30Here is one category of archaeological evidence that is an indirect reflexof the provenance of Vikings in Ireland.31 If there is a reasonable presumptionthat the Dubgenti/Dubgaill who first appeared in Ireland in 851 wereprimarily Danish, there must be a corresponding presumption that thepreviously established Finngenti/Finngaill were not Danish and, therefore,were primarily Norwegian. This holds implications for Laithlinn, aterm for a Scandinavian polity that occurs twice in the mid-ninth centuryannals and is otherwise rare. The location of Laithlinn and of Lochla(i)nn,a later usage, has been disputed by scholars for about 150 years. Ongrounds quite separate from anything discussed in this study, I have madea case against locating Laithlinn in the west. A Scottish location was mostrecently championed by Ó Corráin, but I have argued it is more likely tobe in Norway, and that Hlaðir (modern Lade) in the Trøndelag, suggestedby Wamers, is a possibility.32Light is shed on the matter by the events of 848–853 in Ireland, duringwhich the newly arrived Dubgenti/Dubgaill were apparently opposed by elementsassociated with Laithlinn who, in turn, would seem to be associatedwith the Finngenti/Finngaill. The relevant sequence of events begins witha major battle in 848, near Castledermot, County Kildare, a casualty ofwhich was a significant Viking leader called Tomrair erell tánaise ríghLaithlinne (“Jarl Tomrair (Þórir), deputy to the king of Laithlinn”) (AU848.5). Among a number of Irish military victories over Vikings in 848,it was perhaps the slaying of a Scandinavian royal, in particular, thatprompted the Frankish annalist for this year to notice a great victory bythe Irish (Scotti) over the Nordmanni.33 Presumably in response to thissetback, it is reported, in 849, that 140 ships di muinntir rígh Gall (“of theking of the Foreigners’ retinue”) imposed their authority on the Foreignersalready in Ireland and threw the whole country into turbulence (AU849.6). Two years later, in 851, the Dubgenti arrived at Dublin, slaughteredthe Finngaill and plundered the longphort (“encampment”) (AU 851.3). Inthe following year, 852, a 160-ship fleet of Dubgenti triumphed over theFinngenti in a three-day encounter at Carlingford Lough, County Louth(AU 852.3). Finally, in 853, we read of the arrival in Ireland of Amlaíb(Áleifr) mac rígh Laithlinde . . . coro giallsat Gaill Érenn dó 7 cís ó Goídhelaib(“son of the king of Laithlinn . . . and the Foreigners of Ireland submitted tohim and (he received) tribute from the Irish”) (AU 853.2).23 A reference to Finngenti alone occurs in a context that is not strictly annalistic,though probably annals-derived, namely §29 of J. H. Todd, ed., Cogadh Gaedhel re Gallaibh(London: Longman, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1867) (hereafter CGG). This account of thebattle of Cell ua nDaigre, in 868, uniquely claims that .u. cét do na Findgentib (“500 of theFinngenti”) fell (cf. AU 868.4). This may be an authentic contemporary report, for Finngentiis not part of CGG’s general vocabulary, occurring otherwise (alongside Dubgenti) only in§25, corresponding to AU 877.5.24 Dumville, “Old Dubliners”, 83, 84 (the latter quoting Smyth, Scandinavian York andDublin i (Dublin: Irish Academic, 1975), 113).25 Smyth, “The Black Foreigners”, 103–7.26 Smyth, “The Black Foreigners”, 108–13.27 Mac Shamhráin, The Vikings, 48.28 Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru—a dictionary of the Welsh language. Cyfrol 1: A-ffysur(Caerdydd: Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru, 1950–67), 1097; Royal Irish Academy, Dictionary of theIrish language (hereafter DIL) (Dublin, 1913–1975), ‘D’, 425–30.29 DIL ‘F’, 141–3.30 Egon Wamers, Insularer Metallschmuck in wikingerzeitlichen Gräbern Nordeuropas(Neumünster: Karl Wachholtz, 1985), especially maps at 46, 48, 51, 66, 67; Wamers, “Insularfinds”, 48–51.31 Cf. Dumville’s conviction that only archaeology and place-names, but not documentarysources, may reveal Viking-age Norwegians and Danes in Ireland and Britain: “OldDubliners”, 84.32 Etchingham, “The location of historical Laithlinn / Lochla(i)nn: Scotland or Scandinavia?”,in M. Ó Flaithearta, ed., Studia Celtica Upsaliensia (forthcoming); idem, “Laithlinn/Lochlann in Scotland?”, in D. Ó Corráin, J. Sheehan and P. F. Wallace, ed., Proceedings of theFifteenth Viking Congress (forthcoming); see Wamers, “Insular finds”, 66, n. 84; Ó Corráin,“The Vikings in Scotland and Ireland in the ninth century”, Peritia 12 (1998), 296–339.33 MGHS 1, 443.
Опять "финнгенты"-"финнга(й)лы" среди норманнов:
Second, the annals report an encounter at
Strangford Lough, County Down, eitir Finngenti 7 Dubgennti, in quo Albann,
dux na nDubgenti, cecidit (“between the Finngenti and the Dubgenti, in
which Hálfdan, chief of the Dubgenti, fell”) (AU 877.5). This is the first
and only usage of Finngenti by the annalists in the ninth century after
852 and it denotes adversaries of the man who killed Oistín son of Amlaíb
of Dublin, two years earlier. The Finngenti, therefore, should be avenging
agents of the Dublin regime. This is confirmed by a reference to the
battle of Strangford Lough in the annals-derived section of the twelfthcentury
saga text Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib (hereafter CGG).39 This not
only supplies us with the patronymic of the slain leader of the Dubgenti,
mac Ragnaill (Ragnaldsson), but also plausibly identifies the leader of the
Finngenti as Bárith (Bárðr or Bárǫðr).40 He is elsewhere identified as mac
Ímair (Ívarsson), a son of the Ívarr who had died in 873 as king of the
Nordmanni of Ireland and Britain.41 In 873, immediately after Ívarr’s death,
his son Bárith had mounted a raid on Munster, according to the Annals
of Inisfallen (hereafter AI). CGG §25 claims this was undertaken by Bárith
together with the son of Amlaíb, no doubt Oistín who was assassinated
in 875. Until 875, then, sons of Amlaíb and Ímar perhaps together headed
the successor-regime. In 875, Oistín son of Amlaíb was assassinated by
Albann, chief of the Dubgenti. After 875, Dublin was headed by Bárith
son of Ímar alone, until his death in 881, when he is described unsympathetically
as tirannus magnus Norddmannorum (“a great tyrant of the
Northmen”) (AU 881.3).
The remaining ninth-century reference is to the defeat, in 893, of
Dubgaill by the English at Buttington, Montgomery (AU 893.3). The reference
here is surely to the primarily Danish forces involved, rather than
to the Dublin leadership, even though the latter may also have been
involved in events in Britain at this time.42
39 For the historical value of the annalistic material in Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib, see
M. Ní Mhaonaigh, “Cogad Gáedel re Gallaib and the annals: a comparison”, Ériu 47 (1996):
101–26; Etchingham, Viking raids on Irish church settlements in the ninth century: a reconsideration
of the annals (Maynooth: St. Patrick’s College, Department of Old and Middle
Irish, 1996), 2–3, 7, 9–10, 17, 21, 22, 31, 32, 36, 53–4; idem, Viking raiders (forthcoming),
chapter 2.1.
40 Todd, Cogadh Gaedhel, §25.
41 Bárðr is identified as a son of Ímar only in CS for 881, a crucial reference missed
by Smyth who, in Scandinavian kings, consistently referred to Bárðr only as foster-father
to Oistín son of Amlaíb. A realisation that Bárðr was a son of Ímar requires a rethink of
Smyth’s alignment of Viking leadership figures in Ireland in this period.
42 See AI 893, AU 894.4; Garmonsway, Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 87–8; Whitelock, English
historical documents, 204; Smyth, Scandinavian York and Dublin i: 31–7.
the preferred royal designation
of Dublin Viking rulers in the later ninth and earlier tenth centurieswas ‘king of the Nordmanni’. It is used in 870 (of Amlaíb and Ímar),in 873 (of Ímar), in 875 (of Amlaíb with reference to his son Oistín), in881 (of Bárðr son of Ímar), in 888 (of Sichfrith [Sigrǫðr] son of Ímar), in 896(of Sitriuc son of Ímar), in 934 (of Gothfrith grandson of Ímar) and in948 (of Blácáire [Blákári] grandson of Ímar). If Nordmanni in these contextsis not to be understood simply in its most general, inclusive sense,then it designates those Viking elements in Ireland sometimes associatedwith Laithlinn and with Finngenti/Finngaill. It was these, and not theDubgenti/Dubgaill/, who prevailed at Dublin after the conflict of 851–2.
То есть норманны финнгенты (со скандинавскими именами) - это от слова финн (олд-норс. "белый", "блестящий") и генс (видимо, от лат. "(на)род"), а дубгенты - это от дуб ("чёрный") и генс. Кстати, отсюда и название Дублина. Авторы полагают, что дубгенты это норманны датского происхождения (потому что мы знаем, что именно даны взяли Йорк - а английские Хроники называют норманнов взявших Йорк "чёрными"), а финнгенты - это норманны норвежского происхождения.
О том же:
The Irish chroniclers use a variety of names for the Scandinavians: Dibearccai (outlaws), Gaill (foreigners), Gennti (Gentiles), and Pagánaigh (Pagans). They also distinguish between Danes and Norsemen. The Danes were known as Danair, Danmarcaigh, Dubh Gennti (Black Gentiles), and Dubh-Gaill. The word Dubh-Gaill(Black Foreigners) still survives in the personal names Doyle and MacDowell and in the place-name Baldoyle. The Norsemen were called Finn-Gaill (Fair Foreigners),Finn-Genti, Nortmannai (Lat. Northmanni) and Lochlannaigh (i.e., men of Lochlann or Norway).
Elsewhere[103] we find the word Lochlannaigh (i.e., Norsemen) used with reference to the Limerick settlers;
[25] and Colla (O.N. Kolli), Prince of Limerick (d. 931) was certainly a Norseman, for he was son of Barthr, a leader of the Finn-Gennti in the ninth century. There would seem to have been a mixture of both Danes and Norsemen in Limerick, and since there is no proof that struggles for mastery took place between them, we may take it that they acted in harmony.
[103]The Victorious Career of Cellachan of Cashel, p. 64.
[104]Steenstrup: op. cit., III., p. 213.
https://www.gutenber...1-h/52041-h.htm
Термин "норманны" в валлонских "Камбрийских Анналах" как термин используемый в отношении жителей Нортумбрии - мнение современных учёных-исследователей и комментаторов:
In the Welsh Annales Cambriae, the Vikings are seemingly referred to as Nordmanni or Northmen. It has been previously suggested that this in fact refers to the English of Northumbria, but Dumville points out that the Annales distinguish between the Mercians and West Saxons by calling them Angli and Saxonum respectively, and is likely to have lumped the Northumbrians into one of these ethnic subdivisions rather than politically. It is more likely that the Nordmanniapply either to Vikings or to Anglo-Scandinavian Northumbria.
https://www.reddit.c...ctually_called/
В Законах короля Альфреда, говорится о трёх видах законов в Англии - "Законе северного народа" (Northleoda laga), "законе Мерсии" (Mirca laga; Мерсия это важнейшее королевство Англии в 8 веке), и "законе Альфреда, Гутрума и Эдварда (Старшего)":
http://fs2.american....AlfredLaws.html
Термин "северный народ" (норт-леод, норт-лиуд), использованный тут согласно части историков в отношении нортумбрийцев (другие полагают, что он использован в привычном значении, со смыслом "норвежцы", как эквивалент слов нормдем, нордманны) - это, если это так, в таком значении является гапаксом:
https://books.google...humbria&f=false
Англо-саксонская Хроника под 787 годом помещает нашествие на англию грабителей-данов. Которых именует как словом "даны", так и словом "норманны" (Norðmanna, т. е. Norðmenn). А их страну, из которой они прибыли, она называет "страной грабителей":
A.D. 787. This year King Bertric took Edburga the daughter of Offa to wife. And in his days came first three ships of the Northmen from the land of robbers. The reve (30) then rode thereto, and would drive them to the king's town; for he knew not what they were; and there was he slain. These were the first ships of the Danish men that sought the land of the English nation.
И под 924 годом норманны - тоже скандинавы, но уже колонисты в Нортумбрии:
A.D. 924. This year, before midsummer, went King Edward with an army to Nottingham; and ordered the town to be repaired on the south side of the river, opposite the other, and the bridge over the Trent betwixt the two towns. Thence he went to Bakewell in Peakland; and ordered a fort to be built as near as possible to it, and manned. And the King of Scotland, with all his people, chose him as father and lord; as did Reynold, and the son of Eadulf, and all that dwell in Northumbria, both English and Danish, both Northmen and others; also the king of the Strathclydwallians, and all his people.
И также далее. Кстати, под 1066 годом норманнами названы силы норвежского короля Харальда Хардраты, в связи с битвой при Стэмфорд-Бридж.
Комментатор отмечает, что:
(34) i.e. the Danes; or, as they are sometimes called, Northmen, which is a general term including all those numerous tribes that issued at different times from the north of Europe, whether Danes, Norwegians, Sweons, Jutes, or Goths, etc.; who were all in a state of paganism at this time.
http://www.gutenberg.../657/pg657.html
В Англо-саксонской Хронике норманнов именуют также просто "язычниками":
http://www.vostlit.i....phtml?id=10760
Король данов Англии Гутрум в этом тексте назван под 890 годом королём "северных" людей:
and Guthrum, king of the
Northern men, departed this life, whose baptismal name was
Athelstan. He was the godson of King Alfred; and he abode among
the East-Angles, where he first established a settlement.
http://sunsite.berke...nglo/part2.html
Годрум, король норманнов, умер; его крестильное имя было Этель- стан393, он был крестником короля Эльфреда и жил в Восточной Англии, а прежде эту землю захватил.
7 Godrum se norþerna cyning forþferde, þæs fulluhtnama wæs æþelstan, se wæs ælfredes cyninges godsunu, 7 he bude on Eastenglum, 7 þæt lond ærest gesæt
https://web.archive....exts/asc/a.html
Великие армии норманнов характеризуются в этом источнике (893, 919 и с 944 по 948) как Norþ(an)hymbre и Eastengle. Олав под 942 годом указан даном, а под 943 годом - норманном (что указывает на синонимичность этих понятий в 10 веке для английских хронистов). В то же время, в песне приводимой под 942 годом даны противопоставлены норманнам, как язычникам, в рабстве которых они долгое время пребывали:
the five boroughs, Leicester and Lincoln and Nottingham, likewise Stamford also and Derby. The Danes were before this subject for a long time by force under the Norsemen, in bonds of captivity to the heathens
пять бургов -
Лестер и Линкольн,
Ноттингем, Стамфорд и Дерби.
Даны прежде были под властью
норманнов498 и не по доброй воле жили
Перевод В. Г. Тихомирова
Хронист начальной истории Нормандии Дудо (Historia Normannorum) называет нортманнами нормандцев во Франции, а их страну - Нортманией или "землёй нортманнов".
' in confinibus Nordmannorum et Obodritorum.' 11 (11 Monumenta Germanise, Scriptores ii. 677, A.D. 851.)
То есть под 851 годом нор(д)манны и ободриты (жившие кстати говоря тоже на севере Европы) - отнюдь не смешиваются. Франкские хронисты говорят о прохождении границ между норманнами и ободритами. Не видно путаницы с норманнами и других "северных людей" - англо-саксов, валлийцев, ирландцев. Кроме скандинавов, в Хрониках никто другой норманнами не именуется.