←  Древний Рим

Исторический форум: история России, всемирная история

»

Септимий Север

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

Одна из величайших и самых значимых личностей в римской истории. Время правления Септимия Севера можно считать последним всплеском римской мощи перед началом знаменитого Кризиса III века. Сюда предлагаю выкладывать информацию о жизне, карьере и правлении Септимия Севера.

Ответить

Фотография ddd ddd 28.12 2013

только сегодня прочел что его последние слова были 'я был всем - и так мало сделал...'

как знать, если бы сохранился августовский принцип адаптивной империи - усыновление лучших, может у него был бы шанс стать императором раньше, на законных основаниях и без гражданской войны?
Ответить

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

Луций Септимий Север

Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pertinax Augustus

монеты:

http://ancientrome.r...ptsev/index.php

 

1. Начало карьеры.

ЭЛИЙ СПАРТИАН

СЕВЕР

 

I. (1) После того, как был убит Дидий Юлиан, императорскую власть получил Север, который был родом из Африки. (2) Место его рождения — город Лептис; отец его назывался Гетой, предки были римскими всадниками раньше, чем право гражданства было дано всем1, матерью его была Фульвия Пия, двоюродными дедами со стороны отца — консуляры Апер и Север, дедом со стороны матери — Мацер, дедом со стороны отца — Фульвий Пий. (3) Сам он родился в консульство Эруция Клара (вторичное) и Севера за пять дней до апрельских ид2. (4) В раннем детстве, когда он еще не приступил к изучению греческой и латинской литератур, в которых он впоследствии был особенно сведущ, он играл с мальчиками только в одну игру — в судьи: тут перед ним носили связки с топорами, он восседал, окруженный отрядом мальчиков, и творил суд. (5) На восемнадцатом году он публично выступил с речью. Впоследствии он прибыл в Рим для получения образования. Он попросил у божественного Марка разрешения носить широкую пурпурную полосу и получил его благодаря покровительству своего родственника Септимия Севера, который был уже дважды консуляром. (6) В день своего прибытия в Рим он застал человека, у которого он остановился, за чтением жизнеописания императора Адриана, что Север отметил как благоприятное знамение своих будущих успехов. (7) Он получил и другое знамение, предвещавшее ему императорскую власть: приглашенный к императорскому столу, он явился в греческом плаще, тогда как должен был прийти в тоге, и ему дали наместническую тогу, принадлежавшую самому императору. (8) В ту же ночь он видел во сне, что он сосет вымя волчицы, как Рем или Ромул. (9) Он сел на неправильно поставленное служителем императорское кресло, не зная, что этого делать нельзя. (10) Когда он спал в своем помещении, змея обвилась вокруг его головы; близкие его, проснувшись, подняли крик, и она уползла, не причинив ему вреда.

II. (1) Молодость его была полна безумств, а подчас и преступлений. (2) Он был обвинен в прелюбодеянии и оправдан проконсулом Юлианом, преемником которого он был в проконсульстве, сотоварищем по консульству и опять-таки преемником по императорской власти. (3) В должности квестора он проявил старательность, должность военного трибуна он миновал. После квесторства он получил по жребию Бетику, а оттуда уехал в Африку, чтобы после смерти отца устроить свои домашние дела. (4) Пока он находился в Африке, вместо Бетики ему была назначена Сардиния, так как Бетику опустошали мавры. (5) Закончив свое квесторство в Сардинии, он получил назначение быть легатом при проконсуле Африки. (6) Когда он был там легатом, один летинец, простой человек из одного с ним муниципия, обнял его, как старого товарища, в то время, как перед ним несли связки. Север наказал его розгами, причем глашатай объявил решение: "Не смей, простой человек, дерзко обнимать легата римского народа". (7) Этот случай привел к тому, что легаты, ходившие пешком, стали ездить в повозках. (8) Тогда же, беспокоясь о своем будущем, он обратился к астрологу и под данным часом увидел великие дела; астролог сказал ему: (9) "Дай мне сведения о своем, а не о чужом рождении", — и после того, как Север поклялся, что это его собственные данные, тот предсказал ему все, что впоследствии сбылось.

III. (1) Он удостоился должности народного трибуна по назначению императора Марка и, исполняя ее, обнаружил исключительную строгость и энергию. (2) Тогда же он женился на Марции, о которой он ничего не сказал в истории своей частной жизни. Впоследствии, став императором, он поставил ей статуи. (3) На тридцать втором году он был намечен в преторы императором Марком — не из числа одетых в белую тогу, а из толпы соискателей. (4) Посланный после этого в Испанию, он увидел во сне, во-первых, что ему сказано восстановить храм Августа в Тарраконе, который начал разрушаться; (5) затем, будто с вершины очень высокой горы он видит весь круг земель и Рим, причем все провинции играют на лире и флейте или поют. Он устроил игры в свое отсутствие. (6) Затем он был поставлен во главе четвертого скифского легиона, стоявшего близ Массилии3. (7) После этого он поехал в Афины ради науки, святынь, сооружений и древностей. Но так как афиняне нанесли ему какие-то обиды, то он стал их врагом и, сделавшись императором, отомстил им, уменьшив их привилегии. (8) Затем он получил в качестве легата Лугдунскую провинцию. (9) Потеряв свою первую жену и пожелав взять вторую, он внимательно исследовал гороскоп невест, будучи сам очень опытным в астрологии. Узнав о том, что в Сирии есть некая девушка, в гороскопе которой значится, что она соединится с царем, он посватался к ней, то есть к Юлии, и благодаря содействию друзей получил ее; в скором времени он стал от нее отцом.

IV. (1) За свою строгость, внимательность и бескорыстие он стал любимым галлами больше, чем кто бы то ни было другой. (2) Затем он управлял с проконсульской властью Паннониями. После этого ему досталась по жребию проконсульская Сицилия. В Риме у него родился второй сын. (3) Он был обвинен в том, что во время своего пребывания в Сицилии он спрашивал предсказателей или халдеев, будет ли он императором. Однако префекты претория, которым было поручено слушать это дело, оправдали его, так как Коммод уже начал вызывать к себе ненависть; клеветник был распят на кресте. (4) Консульскую должность он в первый раз5 исполнял вместе с Апулеем Руфином, его Коммод наметил среди очень большого числа соискателей. После консульства он почти год оставался без должности; затем, по ходатайству Лета, он был поставлен во главе германского войска6. (5) Отправляясь к германским войскам, он купил обширные сады; до тех пор у него был очень тесный дом в Риме и одна небольшая усадьба в Венетской области. (6) Как-то раз он лежал в этих садах на земле и скромно обедал со своими сыновьями. Когда его старший сын, которому было пять лет, стал слишком щедро наделять поданными фруктами других мальчиков, своих товарищей по играм, Север с упреком сказал ему: "Раздавай не так щедро, ведь у тебя нет царских богатств". В ответ на это пятилетний мальчик сказал: "Но они у меня будут". (7) Отправившись в Германию, Север так вел себя на этом посту, что еще более увеличил свою уже и раньше большую славу.

V. (1) До сих пор он командовал войском не как император. Когда же до германских легионов7 дошел слух о том, что Коммод убит, а правит Юлиан, вызывая к себе всеобщую ненависть, они в Карнунте в августовские иды провозгласили императором Севера8, хотя он, несмотря на уговоры многих, отказывался. (2) Он дал воинам… сестерциев, сколько никогда не давал ни один государь. (3) Затем, упрочив за собой провинции, которые он оставлял в тылу, он направил свой путь в Рим.

 

http://ancientrome.r...ha/eliysept.htm

Encyclopedia of
the Roman Empire
revised edition
Matthew Bunson

 

Severus was born at LEPCIS MAGNA in Tripolitania, to
Publius Septimius Geta and Fulvia Pia, both members of
successful families in the Equestrians (EQUITES) and the
SENATE. After an unclear early career he became a QUAESTOR
of Rome around 169, later returning to Lepcis
Magna, where he married Paccia Marciana, who died
childless after several years. The TRIBUNE of the Plebeians
in 174, he was PRAETOR in 177 and a legate in SYRIA by
180. Emperor COMMODUS removed him after approximately
two years.
The major turning point in his advancement came in
184 when he was reinstated as an imperial favorite,
receiving the post of governor of Gallia Lugdunensis and
several years later of Sicily; he was also married, to the
formidable Julia Domna, the Syrian noblewoman who
gave him two sons, CARACALLA in 188 and GETA in 189.
Consul in 190, he was made governor of PANNONIA Superior
in 191. Severus was still there in 192 when Commodus
was assassinated and succeeded by Pertinax. The
new emperor did not last long, and his death in 193
resulted in the auctioning off of the empire by the PRAETORIAN
GUARD to DIDIUS JULIANUS, the highest bidder.
Knowing that the sanctity of the throne had been violated,
that omens and prophecies had predicted his rise to
the purple and that he had the perfect solution militarily,
Severus accepted the SALUTATIO from his troops. Hailed at
Carnuntum, he and his legions marched to ROME...

 

М. Грант. Римские императоры / пер. с англ. М. Гитт — М.; ТЕРРА - Книжный клуб, 1998

 

Септимий Север (Луций) (193—211 гг.) родился в 145 г. в Лептис Магне, в Триполитании. Об его отце, Публии Септимии Гете, ничего не известно, а двое его двоюродных братьев достигли высокого положения в сенате. Будущему императору дали имена его деда со стороны отца. Его прадед, который, вероятно, был пунического (карфагенского) происхождения, переехал из Лептис Магны в Италию в конце первого века, и поднялся до всаднического звания. Мать Севера, Фульвия Пия, вероятно, родилась в итальянской семье, которая иммигрировала в Северную Африку.

Север попал в Сенат около 173 г., стал правителем Галлии Лугдунской и Сицилии, а потом, в последний год правления Коммода, консулом (190 г.) и правителем Верхней Паннонии. После краткого правления Пертинакса и восшествия на престол Дидия Юлиана в 193 г., он был провозглашен императором своими легионами в Карнунте, в то время как Песценния Нигера точно таким же образом короновали на Востоке.

 

Иоанн Малала, писавший четырьмя столетиями позднее, обратил внимание на то, что Север был темнокожим, а современные африканские книги по истории называют его негром. Но, каким бы ни был цвет лица Севера, на свидетельства Малала не следует слишком полагаться; взять, к примеру, другое его утверждение, что у Севера был длинный нос, совершенно ошибочное, потому что на портретах видно, что нос у него короткий и слегка вздернутый. Волосы и борода у него были вьющимися. Он был невысокого роста, но крепкий и энергичный. Historia Augusta отмечает, что в его речи на всю жизнь сохранились следы североафриканского акцента, и это вполне может быть правдой.

 

Он принадлежал к космополитичной элите, исповедовавшие римские идеи и идеалы, как и африканцы, которые делали карьеру вокруг него.

 

http://ancientrome.ru/imp/septsev.htm

 

Происходил из романизированной пунийской семьи из Лепсис Магна в Северной Африке. При Марке Аврелии стал сенатором, управлял несколькими провинциями и в 190 г. был назначен консулом. Коммод назначил его наместником Верхней Паннонии. После убийства Пертинакса в Карнунте легионы провозгласили Септимия Севера своим императором.

 

http://ancientrome.ru/imp/septsev1.htm

 

ENCYCLOPEDIA OF
WORLD HISTORY
The Ancient World
Prehistoric Eras to 600 c.e.
VOLUME I
edited by
Marsha E. Ackermann
Michael J. Schroeder
Janice J. Terry
Jiu-Hwa Lo Upshur
Mark F. Whitters

 

Septimus Severus
(146–211 c.e.) Roman emperor
Septimus Severus was founder of the African dynasty of
Roman emperors. He came from a family of Roman citizens
who had served as imperial bureaucrats in northern
Africa. He found favor with the emperor Marcus Aurelius
and served in many high provincial positions.
Under Emperor Commodus, Septimus Severus was
appointed the legate of the fourth legion in 191 c.e.,
stationed on the Euphrates. He disdained traditional
Roman ways and saw himself as a soldier and ruler of
the East, becoming immersed in the religion and culture.
He married a member of a priestly family of Emesa
and solidified his influence over the politics of the eastern
provinces. When his own soldiers killed Emperor
Pertinax in 193, Severus was proclaimed emperor by
his own legions of the East and by the Danube legions.
Some scholars speculate that support for Severus in
both the East and West make it clear that he was a part
of the conspiracy to overthrow Pertinax, but there is no
concrete proof.

 

Оскар Йегер

 Всемирная история. Том 1. Древний мир

 

 ГЛАВА ЧЕТВЕРТАЯ

 Императоры III в., до Диоклетиана. — Начало и успехи христианства и первые преследования. Поступательное движение германцев

 Быстрая смена правителей

 Большим несчастьем было то, что с устранением от власти такого недостойного и неспособного правителя, как Коммод, был нарушен тот спокойный переход власти из рук одного, почившего правителя, в руки другого, всеми уже признанного представителя власти, — великое благо, которым уже более ста лет пользовалась Римская империя. Тотчас после гибели Коммода заговорщики провозгласили было императором способного и почтенного человека, Гельвия Пертинакса, римского префекта полиции; но он не сумел поладить с преторианцами и несколько месяцев спустя пал жертвой их ненависти. Дело дошло до смешных и постыдных крайностей: знатный сенатор, обладавший огромным состоянием, некто Дидий Юлиан, мучимый честолюбием, был провозглашен императором преторианцами после того, как он каждому из них пообещал дать весьма щедрый подарок — по 25 тысяч сестерциев на человека, что он, кстати, став императором, не сделал.

 Септимий Север и его противники

 Но это привело к такому же положению дел, как и в 68 г. Сознание собственного достоинства, а отчасти и честолюбие некоторых полководцев, и зависть легионов к преторианцам не допустили установления подобного порядка. Иллирийские легионы провозгласили императором Септимия, и сенат одобрил это избрание; после весьма слабой попытки сопротивления Дидий вынужден был уступить, и был обезглавлен по приказанию сената. Септимий явился в Рим, тотчас распустил всех преторианцев, и из легионов всех провинций образовал новую гвардию. По весьма плохой латыни их надгробных надписей, можно судить о том, что варварский элемент широкой волной вторгся в среду этого нового состава преторианцев. Тем временем в двух местах явились к Септимию Северу противники и соискатели его власти.

 

THE ROMAN
EMPIRE AT BAY
AD 180–395

David S. Potter

There was little in Severus’ early life to suggest that he would prove to
be the particularly dynamic figure that he would become. Born on April 11,
145, at Lepcis Magna in Tripolitania (modern Libya), Severus was descended
from a long line of local notables who could trace their roots to the period
of Punic domination. Indeed, it appears that he grew up in a household
where Punic was the first language – we are told that he still spoke with a
pronounced Punic accent in his adult years, which made it difficult for him
to enunciate an unaspirated “s.” The result was that he would tend to
pronounce his own name as Sheptimiush Sheverush.102 His grandfather had

 

moved to Italy, where he enjoyed exalted literary company. There still exists
a poem in his honor by Statius, the preeminent poet of the late Flavian era.
Interestingly, given Septimius’ difficulty with Latin, his grandfather seems
to have conquered his own linguistic challenges, passing as an Italian among
Italians. One reason for the difference in Latinity between the two men may
be that Septimius’ father did not move to Italy, preferring to stay at home
while two relatives entered upon senatorial careers. One, P. Septimius Aper,
was suffect consul in 153, and another, C. Septimius Severus, was suffect
consul in 160.103
Two consular relatives made entry into a senatorial career a viable option
for the young Septimius and, indeed, for his elder brother, Septimius Geta,
as well.104 It may have been in 164 that he held his first office, one of the
twenty junior positions reserved for aspiring senators who had received the
“broad stripe” that marked imperial recognition of his designs. In 169
Septimius was quaestor. He held the office again in 170, this time in Spain
(we do not know where he served during his first term). In 173 he served
on the staff of his relative, C. Septimius Severus, when the latter was governor
of Tripolitania, and there he married a woman from Lepcis named Paccia
Marciana.105 In 175 he was tribune of the plebs, and in 177 he became
praetor. Three years later he was given command of a legion in Syria. The
governor under whom he served was Pertinax. In 182, Pertinax was fired in
the wake of the conspiracy against Commodus.106 A year later Septimius was
dismissed as well, but Perennis was not to last long, and in the wake of his
murder, Cleander recalled Severus to public life.107
Paccia Marciana had died at some point in the interim, possibly around
183, and Septimius now sought a new wife. He had heard of Julia Domna,
daughter of the Sampsiceramid line, which descended from the kings of
Emesa in Syria, perhaps while stationed in that province. He now sought
her hand in marriage, obtaining her assent in 187, while he was governor of
one of the Gallic provinces.108 Three years later he held the consulship, again
through the patronage of Cleander, one of the twenty-five men to do so in
that year.109 Severus’ connections with the Semitic side of the empire, the
fact that he spoke Punic, was married first to a woman from his own Punic
background, and then to a woman from another Semitic city, stand as stunning
reminders of the fluidity of classical culture. Severus was no less a senator
by virtue of his Punic background than Pertinax was by virtue of his servile
ancestry.
The relative stability of the Antonine age permitted, and indeed, encouraged
the assimilation of local nobles of all sorts into the Mediterranean
governing class. The study of modern immigrant communities has identified
two central forms of interaction with the dominant culture of the host
state. These are multicultural and bicultural. An individual may be described
as multicultural if that person lives within a community that retains a strong
identity with the home country while at the same time functioning within

 

the community of the host country. A bicultural person will retain a sense
of his or her roots within an immigrant society, while at the same time
pursuing a life that removes him or her from that community. A man like
Severus offers a virtual paradigm for the bicultural individual.
The three rivals of Severus offer different models for assimilation into the
ruling class. Two of them also had connections with Africa. Julianus’ mother
was from Hadrumentum, and Clodius Albinus was descended from an Italian
family that had settled in North Africa.110 Julianus’ family was connected
with that of the jurist Salvius Julianus, who achieved considerable age and
prominence from the time of Hadrian to the time of Marcus, while that of
Clodius is described by Dio as noble (which may indicate a senatorial ancestor
or simply that it was wealthy).111 Pescennius Niger appears to have been
from Italy, and to have been the first person in his family to enter the
senate.112 Including Pertinax, it is striking that all five men who aspired
to or held the throne in 193 were the first members of their immediate
families to achieve the consulship. Only Severus had consular relatives, but
after the first stages of his career, they cannot be said to have helped him
much, and he does not seem to have made much of an impression on the
population of Rome. The person whom the crowds called upon as a savior
was Niger, not him.
Civil war
Severus may not have stood out in the years before 193, but from January
onwards he proved himself to be a master of the arts of revolution. We cannot
now know when he began to aspire to the throne, but there is reason to
think that news of the abortive attempt by Falco upon the life of Pertinax
suggested the possibility that Pertinax would not last. It would have been
folly to move against Pertinax while he was alive. Long experience of
command in the Balkans under Marcus had left him with a good reputation
among the senior soldiers who had served under him, but it also meant that,
if Pertinax were to die, these same soldiers might wish to avenge him.
According to an account that may be heavily based upon Severus’ autobiography,
he began to explore the possibility of taking the throne through
conversations with small groups of officers, testing out the will of the men
as soon as he heard that Pertinax was dead.113 There is no reason to believe
his version of the chronology: he was proclaimed emperor on April 9, just
about the earliest possible day after he could have received news of the events
at Rome on March 28.114 The meeting must have occurred earlier – which
makes the story that Julianus tried to kill him very dubious indeed – but
this point aside, the process is a familiar one. Generals communicated with
their men in three ways: through their officers, through large mass meetings,
and through addresses to individual units.115 A serious matter for which
the response of the soldiers at a public meeting needed to be managed in

 

advance would always begin with the junior officers, those who were most
closely in touch with the men. The name of Pertinax evidently did carry
some weight, and so might jealousy of the guard, receiving huge donatives
that were not given to the ordinary rank and file.
Having tested the will of the troops, Severus had also to test that of his
colleagues in surrounding provinces. He derived a further advantage from
the fact that his older brother, P. Septimius Geta, was governor of another
of the Danubian provinces, Moesia Inferior.116 He may also have had some
personal connection with the governor of Dacia, Q. Aurelius Polus
Terentianus, who was a member of the same priestly college to which
Severus had been admitted a few years before.117 The odd men out were the
governors of Pannonia Superior and Moesia Superior. We have now no
information about the latter of these men, but the former, C. Valerius Pudens,
appears to have supported Severus immediately.118 There is no reason to
think that the governor of Moesia Inferior did otherwise. A series of coins
minted at Severus’ behest later in the year commemorates fifteen of the sixteen
legions encamped in the Danubian provinces. The ceremony of proclamation
was duly enacted, with an appropriate display of reluctance by Severus,
on April 9.119
As his troops prepared to march, Severus entered into negotiations with
Clodius Albinus, offering to adopt him and make him his heir, a position
that was signified by offering him the title of Caesar. Albinus accepted
the offer, perhaps as Severus’ armies were already moving into Italy. Severus
had evidently presented himself as a man with children too young to
succeed him, and as a man who was too old to remain very long on the
throne.120
At the time that Severus wrote to Albinus, the question of the children
was all the more significant in that Severus, like all other provincial governors,
had been compelled to leave his at Rome, a policy instituted by
Commodus. Severus, though, appears to have arranged for his children to
be spirited out of the capital before Julianus could take any action against
them.121 The escape of the children may be the first clue that Julianus
had of what turned out to be an extraordinarily well-organized group of
supporters for Severus in Rome. Julianus’ own preparations for defense stalled
through the ill discipline of the praetorians, the inexperience of troops
recruited from the fleet, and the ability of elephants brought in from the
imperial elephant farm at Larentum to destroy the fighting towers with which
they were equipped.122 Letters from Severus appear to have been delivered
to many quarters, troops sent to occupy key points deserted, and Julianus
lost heart. On June 1 he summoned a meeting of the senate to ask that
Severus be named co-ruler with himself, but it was too late. The praetorians
had received letters promising that they would suffer no harm if they
surrendered the murderers of Pertinax. They did so, and announced the fact
to the consul Silius Messalla, who then convened a meeting of the senate

 

on his own authority. Julianus had now lost two of the three power points
in the capital, and that sealed his fate. The senate passed three motions, one
sentencing Julianus to death, the second naming Severus emperor, and the
third conferring divine honors on Pertinax.123 A soldier was sent to the palace,
where he found Julianus, abandoned by his supporters, and killed him.
Severus’ advance on the capital had demonstrated a thorough command of
the political structure of the city, and he took immediate steps to ensure
that he would remain in control. He summoned the praetorians, without
arms, to a meeting with him outside of the city and dismissed them.124
He replaced them with a new guard drawn from the soldiers who had
marched from the Balkans, and the prefects appointed by Julianus, who
had changed sides at an opportune moment, were retained in office.125 There
was, however, a new prefect of the watch, appointed by Severus, who distinguished
himself by rounding up the children of Niger. His name was
Fulvius Plautianus.126
Severus not only understood the structure of power in the capital; he also
understood the importance of spectacle in legitimating that power. His entry
into Rome was, according to Dio,
The most brilliant of any that I have witnessed; for the whole city
had been decked out with garlands of flowers and laurel and adorned
with richly colored stuffs, and it was ablaze with torches and burning
incense; the citizens wearing white robes and with radiant countenances,
uttered many shouts of good omen; the soldiers, too, stood
out conspicuous in their armor as they moved about like participants
in some holiday procession; and finally we (senators) were
walking about in state.
(Dio 75.1.4, trans. Cary)

 

The procession, with the distinct elements of the power structure of Rome
marked out by their dress, gave visual confirmation of the social order. It
was supplemented a few days later by another spectacle, the formal funeral
of Pertinax, which culminated in the release of an eagle from a box atop
the funeral pyre that symbolized his soul’s ascent to join the gods.127 The
two spectacles, triumphal entry and deification, the latter being especially
significant as Severus had adopted himself into the family of Pertinax when
he was proclaimed, and included the name of his predecessor in his own.128
His right to rule was confirmed by the diverse groups upon whom it had to
depend, and by appeal to divine sanction. It all had also to be done fast, for
Pescennius Niger was already on the march from Syria.

 

комментарии:

102 Birley, Septimius Severus, 35.
103 Birley, Septimius Severus, 24.
104 What follows is based on Birley, Septimius Severus, 46–58.
105 HA V. Sev. 3.2 (8.1 by implication); IRT 410–11; CIL 8, no. 19494 with M. T.
Rapsaet-Charlier, Prosopographie des femmes de l’ordre sénatorial (I er–II e siècles) (Louvain,
1987), no. 590; Birley, Septimius Severus, 225, n. 56.
106 HA V. Pert. 3.3–4 with Birley, Septimius Severus, 62.
107 HA V. Sev. 3.2; recall HA V. Sev. 3.8 (by implication; see Birley, Septimius Severus,
73, 75).
108 HA V. Sev. 3.9.
109 HA V. Sev. 4.4; Dio 72.12.4 (Cleander and the consuls); Birley, Septimius Severus,
68–78.
110 For Julianus’ mother see HA V. Jul. 1.2 with PIR2 D 7; for Clodius see HA V.
Clod. 5.1 with PIR2 C 1186.
111 HA V. Jul. 1.5 (origin) with Andermahr, Totus in Praediis, 84–85; Leunissen,
Konsuln und Konsularen, 213, 241, for his provincial commands and, in general PIR2
D 77; for Albinus see PIR2 C 1186, and Birley, Fasti of Roman Britain, 146–49.
112 PIR2 P 254.
113 Herod. 2.9.7.
114 Kienast, Römische Kaisertabelle, 156, for the date, and n. 119 below.
115 Campbell, Emperor and Roman Army, 69–88, 106–7.
116 B. Thomasson, Laterculi Praesidum, vol. 1 (Göteborg, 1984), 138, n. 104.
117 Thomasson, Laterculi Praesidum, vol. 1, 155, n. 44.
118 Herod. 2.9.12, 10.1 says that Severus approached other governors after his proclamation.
This would be Severus’ version of events (see p. 99, n. 100 above). For the
people involved see Birley, Septimius Severus, 97.
119 HA V. Sev. 5.1. It is significant that there is no reference here to a prior proclamation
of Niger that appears in Herod. 2.8–9. HA V. Sev. 5.1 does give the wrong
date, idibus Augustis (the correct date is given by P. Dura 54 ii.3), and incorrectly
states that he was proclaimed in Germany. Dio’s account of the actual proclamation
is lost.
120 Herod. 2.15.4, placing the letter after Severus’ arrival at Rome, which is incorrect,
but the error may stem from his use of the memoirs of Severus, which makes it
possible that he is reporting what Severus said that he had written.
121 Herod. 3.24.
122 Dio 75.16.2–3; Herod. 2.11.9; for the elephant farm see P. Sabbatini Tumolesi,
Epigrafia anfiteatrale dell’ Occidente Romano (Rome, 1988), no. 8.
123 For the letter concerning the arrest of the assassins of Pertinax see HA V. Jul. 8.5;
Dio 73.17.3; Dio 74.17.3–4; Herod. 2.12.6–7. Herodian places Julianus’ proposal
to make Severus co-emperor three days before the final meeting. Dio mentions the
call to the meeting but does not say that it took place, and he was at the final
meeting. This may be the same meeting that is reported at HA V. Jul. 7.2, in
which it is said that Julianus convened a meeting of the senate asking for advice
that he did not receive. For his death see also HA V. Jul. 8.7.
124 Dio 74.1; HA V. Sev. 6.11; Herod. 2.13.1–12.

125 HA V. Sev. 6.6 with PIR2 F 300 (Flavius Juvenalis); HA V. Jul. 7.5 (Veturius

Macrinus, allegedly appointed as a gesture by Julianus to appease Severus); for the
fates of Julianus’ previous prefects Flavius Genialis and Tullius Crispinus see HA
V. Jul. 8.6 (death of Genialis with Julianus) and HA V. Jul. 8.1 (death of Crispinus,
who was sent as an ambassador to Severus); see also L. L. Howe, The Praetorian
Prefect from Commodus to Diocletian (AD 180–305) (Chicago, 1942), 68–69.
126 HA V. Sev. 6.10; HA V. Nig. 5.2.
127 Dio 74.4.2–5; HA V. Sev. 7.8–9.

 

Всемирная историяВ 24 ТОМАХ ТОМ 6
РИМСКИЙ ПЕРИОД

 

ГРАЖДАНСКАЯ ВОЙНА 193 — 197 ГГ. Н.Э.
В последние десятилетия II века н.э. Римская империя вела изнурительные войны, в которых Рим часто терпел поражения. Эти внешние события совпала с глубоким кризисом рабовладельческого общества и во многом были обусловлены этим кризисом.
В этот период экономика империи переживала трудное время. Приходили в упадок и разорялись рабовладельческие виллы и латифундии, что приводило к запустению земель, сокращению урожаев, падению стоимости денег. Уменьшалось количество рабочей силы из-за эпидемий в империи в эти годы. Хозяйственный кризис обострил социальные противоречия, привел к политической нестабильности и ослаблению военной мощи империи.
Непосредственным проявлением социально-экономиче-ских противоречий явилась борьба за императорский трон, которая вылилась в гражданскую войну 193 — 197 гг. После того как был убит в Риме император Коммод, в разных провинциях империи были провозглашены несколько императоров: Пертинакс, а после него Дидий Юлиан в самом Риме;
командующий дунайской армией Септимий Север; командир сирийских легионов Песценний Нигер; в Британии провозгласили императором Клодия Альбина
.


ВСЕМИРНАЯ
ИСТОРИЯ
В ДЕСЯТИ ТОМАХ

 

В конце концов Коммод был убит, и императором был провозглашён Пертинакс. Сын раз-
богатевшего вольноотпущенника, сделавший блестящую карьеру благодаря протекции па-
трона своего отца, Пертинакс был всё же приемлем для сената, как крупнейший землевладе-
лец. В своё время он скупил массу земель у обедневших соседей на средства, которые он на-
жил, управляя различными провинциями. Теперь Пертинакс возвратил сенаторам конфиско-
ванные у них имения и разрешил желающим занять часть императорских земель. Он отме-
нил алиментарную систему Траяна и намеревался возобновить войны на Дунае.
Однако через полгода Пертинакс был убит преторианцами, которые устроили своеобраз-
ный аукцион, предлагая императорскую власть тому, кто больше им заплатит. Победителем
оказался сенатор Дидий Юлиан, предложивший преторианцам, как сообщает Дион Кассий,
по 6350 драхм на человека. Но одновременно с Юлианом появились ещё три претендента на
императорскую власть — легат Сирии Песценний Нигер, легат Британии Клодий Альбин и
легат Паннонии Септимий Север. Последний, африканец родом, был наиболее дальновид-
ным и энергичным из всех. К тому же его армия была наиболее боеспособна и близко распо-
ложена к Италии. Объявив себя мстителем за Пертинакса, он обеспечил себе поддержку се-
ната. Не встречая серьёзного сопротивления, он дошёл до Рима, где при вести о его прибли-
жении Дидий Юлиан был убит солдатами. Разоружив и распустив преторианцев, Север за-
ключил союз с Клодием Альбином, которому даровал титул цезаря, и отправился сражаться
против Нигера.

Ответить

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

THE CAMBRIDGE
ANCIENT HISTORY
VOLUME XII

 

The Crisis of Empire,
a.d. 193–337
Edited by
ALAN K. BOWMAN
Camden Professor of Ancient History in the University of Oxford
PETER GARNSEY
Professor of the History of Classical Antiquity in the University of Cambridge
AVERIL CAMERON
Warden of Keble College, Oxford

 

CHAPTER 1
THE SEVERAN DYNASTY
brian campbell
i . the background and accession of septimius severus
After Commodus had been strangled on the evening of 31 December 192,
the main instigators of the deed, Aemilius Laetus the praetorian prefect
and Eclectus the chamberlain, immediately approached Pertinax. This was
a wise choice. Pertinax held the eminent positions of consul II and prefect
of the city, and a long career that had included the frequent command of
soldiers and the governorship of four consular provinces had earned him a
distinguished reputation. He sent a friend to check that Commodus was
dead, and probably was genuinely unaware of any plan to kill the emperors.1
Despite some reservations among senators about Pertinax’s origins as the son
of an ex-slave, there was general approbation, especially since, in contrast to
Commodus, Pertinax attempted to play down the autocratic and dynastic
aspects of his position. Styling himself ‘princeps senatus’, he refused to
name his wife Augusta or his son Caesar. In Pertinax’s view the purple
was not his to bestow on others. He was affable and approachable; his
integrity and benevolence in the conduct of his imperial duties contributed
to an atmosphere free from terror, where freedom of speech could flourish.
Informers were punished; the death penalty for treason was not invoked;
public affairs were efficiently managed in the interests of the state. Pertinax
also had positive ideas for reorganizing the empire’s administration. All
land, including imperial estates, which was not under cultivation in Italy
and the provinces, was to be given over to private individuals to work,
with security of tenure and a ten-year tax exemption. New customs tariffs
introduced by Commodus were withdrawn.Moreover, the emperor would
not inscribe his name on imperial property, presumably wishing to convey
the idea that it belonged to the Roman state, while his coinage proclaimed
the setting free of the citizens.2 Despite these good intentions, Pertinax
1 The main literary sources are Cassius Dio, Herodian (translation and commentary by Whittaker,
Herodian vols. 1–2), and SHA. Specific references have been given only in order to emphasize particular
points or to record direct quotations. Pertinax – PIR2 h 73; Birley, The African Emperor 63–7 and 87–95,
who believes that Pertinax was involved in the conspiracy.
2 Dio, lxxiii.5.1–5; Herod. ii.4; SHA, Pert. 6.6–7.11; BMC v p. 1, no. 3.

 

faced serious problems. The treasury was virtually empty, and he had to sell
Commodus’ possessions to raise cash for donatives to plebs and soldiers.
The praetorians, and to a lesser extent the imperial freedmen, had to be
placated and disciplined after the licence accorded them by Commodus.
In Dio’s opinion Pertinax lacked political judgement. ‘He did not realize
despite his extensive experience in public affairs that it is impossible to
reorganize everything simultaneously, and especially that to stabilize the
political set-up requires both time and skill.’3 On 28 March 193 Pertinax was
murdered by some of his bodyguard. It is likely that this was a spontaneous
move by the disgruntled soldiers, who had tried on at least two previous
occasions to replace him, and bitterly resented his fraudulent claim to have
given them as much as Marcus Aurelius. Pertinax was the first emperor
therefore to be overthrown by purely military discontent because he could
not satisfy the expectations of his troops; this was a dangerous legacy for
his successor. Furthermore, he had helped to highlight again the senatorial
perception of what made a ‘good emperor’. The achievements of Pertinax’s
successors need to be measured against this range of senatorial expectation.
In the aftermath of Pertinax’s murder, two men came forward to contend
for the purple, Ti. Flavius Sulpicianus, prefect of the city and father-in-law
of the dead emperor, andM.Didius Iulianus.4 Sulpicianus was already in the
praetorian camp, having been sent there by Pertinax to quell unrest. When
Julianus arrived outside, the infamous ‘auction’ of the empire took place.
For this the soldierswere partly to blame, but also the two senators whowere
prepared to exploit the vacuum and bid for the praetorians’ support. Perhaps
because they feared reprisals from Sulpicianus, the guardsmen accepted
Julianus’ offer of 25,000 sesterces. The sum was not excessively large, but
the manner in which it was extorted set a further bad precedent for open
bribery of the soldiers. Julianus was by no means a nonentity; he had
governed several provinces, held a suffect consulship in 175, and had been
proconsul of Africa. He conspicuously tried to flatter the senate and win
approval, even sparing Sulpicianus. But the emperor was unconvincing and
the senators remained unimpressed. Julianus was doomed by the manner of
his accession and his obvious reliance on the now discredited praetorians,
who had surrounded the senate house for its first meeting. The situation
was exacerbated by some of the plebs who abused Julianus, and then in
what was apparently an organized political demonstration occupied the
Circus for a night and the following day, demanding that PescenniusNiger,
the governor of Syria, should assist them. It is possible that Niger did
receive some intimation of the disorderly situation in Rome before he was
proclaimed emperor, probably towards the end of April 193.5 However,
L. Septimius Severus the governor of Pannonia Superior needed no such

 

3 lxxiii.10.3. 4 PIR 2 f 373; PIR 2 d 77. 5 Herod. ii.7.6; 8.5.

 

encouragement.He was proclaimed emperor by his troops on 9 April before
he can have heard much about the new regime in Rome. It is not necessary
to explain his speed in terms of a plot, since during Pertinax’s three months’
rule Severus had doubtless received news of the emperor’s difficulties. A wise
and ambitious man would have weighed up his chances and taken some
preliminary soundings of opinion on what to do if there was further chaos
in Rome. His march on Italy was launched in the first instance with the
Danubian troops, supported by the legions of the Rhine. Before leaving
Pannonia Severus perhaps heard of the proclamation of Niger in the east,
and shrewdly removed his only other possible rival, D. Clodius Albinus,
governor of Britain, who came from Hadrumetum in Africa, by declaring
him Caesar.6
Severus was born in Lepcis Magna in Africa in 145. Lepcis had been a
Roman colony since 110, and although the family of the Septimii was of
Punic extraction, it is likely that it had enjoyed Roman citizenship at least
from the time of Vespasian. It was also rich and well connected: two cousins
of Severus’ father had been consul – P. Septimius Aper and C. Septimius
Severus, who had also been proconsul of Africa in 174.7 Severus himself
was a typical product of the municipal aristocracy: well-versed in Graeco-
Roman culture, and interested in the study of philosophy and law, he had
assimilated the Roman upper-class ethos. Dio says that he desired more
education than he received, and in consequence was a man of few words
but many ideas. In any event, there is no reason to think that his actions
were the product of an alien, un-Roman mind or that he had any African
bias. Moreover, Severus’ traditional and unspectacular career, begun in the
160s, should have imbued him with the usual Roman conceptions of office
holding.During his career he did not hold a military tribunate, commanded
the IV Scythian legion in Syria in time of peace, and governed no province
containing legionary troops until appointed in 191 to Pannonia Superior.
He was therefore hardly an experienced military leader or a charismatic
soldiers’ man. So, his policies should not necessarily be seen as the hostile
reaction of a tough soldier to bureaucracy and political niceties. It was as
a fairly average senator, perhaps not very well known, that Severus set out
on his march to Rome. Julianus first reacted by declaring him a public
enemy, and tried to fortify the city using the praetorians and sailors from
the fleet atMisenum. But there was little chance that the guard could resist
an army, and Julianus lost any remaining credibility by asking the senate
6 The gold and silver coinage of Severus (BMC v p. 21, nos. 7–25) shows that initially he was
supported by at least fifteen of the sixteen legions in Raetia, Noricum, Dacia, the Pannonian, Moesian
and German provinces. The legion x Gemina stationed at Vienna is missing from the coin series, but
appears as ‘loyal, faithful, Severan’ on an inscription (AE 1913.56). Clodius Albinus – Dio, lxxiv.15.1;
Herod. ii.15.3; ILS 414–15.
7 Birley, Septimius Severus 213–20; Barnes (1967).

 

to vote a share in the imperial power to Severus. The emperor had run
out of options and when the praetorians responded favourably to a letter
from Severus demanding the surrender of the murderers of Pertinax, the
senate was emboldened to sentence Julianus to death, confer power on
Severus, and deify Pertinax, probably on 1 June 193. Before entering Rome
in early June, Severus oversaw the execution of the murderers of Pertinax
and then disbanded the entire guard, replacing it with soldiers from his own
legions. Outside the gates of the city Severus changed into civilian dress
and led his troops in glittering armour to the temple of Jupiter where he
offered sacrifice.Dio recalled a happy, festive occasion. But many spectators
were also anxious and fearful on this day.8 In the subsequent meeting of
the senate, the emperor made an initially good impression by taking an
oath not to execute senators, and by promising the end of confiscations
without trial and reliance on informers. It was good policy for Severus the
military usurper to claim justification in the avenging of Pertinax. He had
taken Pertinax into his nomenclature before leaving Pannonia; now this was
officially voted by the senate and a grand funeral for the deified emperor
was organized. This was all Severus could do to conciliate the upper classes
in a stay in Rome of less than a month. The plebs was kept happy by
shows and a cash distribution, while the troops received a donative of 1,000
sesterces after an embarrassing and frightening confrontation with their
emperor.

 

Ковалев С. И.
История Рима

 

Септимий Север
Преемником Коммоду заговорщики выдвинули сенатора незнатного
происхождения — Публия Гельвия Пертинакса. Это был способный и твер-
дый человек, который начал с того, что попытался обуздать преторианцев
и сократить безумное мотовство Коммода. Этим он восстановил против
себя и преторианцев, и городскую толпу, и придворную челядь. Эмилий
Лет также выступил против него. Через 87 дней Пертинакс был убит пре-
торианцами (28 марта 193 г.).
После этого в Риме разыгралась невиданная сцена: преторианцы уст-
роили аукцион на императорское звание. Покупателями выступили два
лица: богатый сенатор Марк Дидий Юлиан и градоначальник Рима Тит
Флавий Сульпициан, зять убитого Пертинакса. На торгах победил Дидий
Юлиан, предложивший большую сумму. Он и был провозглашен импера-
тором.
Однако новый император надавал преторианцам слишком много обе-
щаний и не мог их выполнить. Поэтому в решительную минуту он был
ими покинут. Кризис центральной власти, как и в 68 г., вызвал движение
провинций. После убийства Пертинакса провинциальные войска провоз-
гласили почти одновременно трех императоров: Децима Клодия Альбина
в Британии, Гая Песценния Нигера в Сирии и Люция Септимия Севера в

 

Иллирии и Паннонии. Последний имел то существенное преимущество
над своими соперниками, что находился ближе к Риму. Чтобы временно
обезвредить Альбина, он вступил с ним в соглашение, усыновил его, дал
титул цезаря и поручил верховное командование в Британии, Галлии и
Испании. Север под лозунгом мщения за Пертинакса быстро занял Рим.
Преторианцы почти не оказали сопротивления, выдали убийц Пертинакса
и были разоружены. Терроризованный сенат приговорил Дидия Юлиана к
смерти, и 1 июня, после 60 дней царствования, он был казнен.
Септимий Север, получив от сената утверждение в императорском зва-
нии, отправился против Песценния Нигера, которого тем временем при-
знали азиатские провинции и Египет. Его передовые войска уже перепра-
вились в Европу и заняли Византий.

 

 

THE ROMANS
O
From Village to Empire
Mary T. Boatwright
Daniel J. Gargola
Richard J. A. Talbert

 

SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS (193–211)
Upon Commodus’ assassination, various groups vied for power—the senate, the
Praetorians, and the army, or rather three different divisions within the army that
each promoted its own commander. Each group proved strong enough to bring a
candidate to imperial power, but only one of these, Septimius Severus (promoted
by the troops along the Danube), was then able to maintain and expand his control.
The first Princeps to be proclaimed in 193 was Lucius Helvius Pertinax. A
sixty-six-year-old senator who had loyally served Marcus Aurelius in military
and civil positions, Pertinax was the senate’s choice. His position as City Prefect
in 192 gave him command of the Urban Cohorts in Rome. The Praetorians, however,
acclaimed him only reluctantly, despite being paid a donative of about
12,000 sesterces per man. Pertinax vowed to respect the senate, and to restore the

 

imperial finances ravaged by Commodus’ extravagant games and luxuries. To
raise money, he auctioned Commodus’ property, cut back on expenditures, and
announced other reforms. He promised full ownership and ten years free from
taxes to those who would settle and farm abandoned land; this initiative would
bring back into cultivation acreage no longer cultivated because of the plague and
the losses in Rome’s northern and eastern wars. But Pertinax failed to enlist the
Praetorians’ wholehearted support, and at the end of March 193 they murdered
him in the palace. To judge by Cassius Dio’s comment that Pertinax had “failed
to comprehend that one cannot safely reform everything at once” (73.10.3), it was
not just the Praetorians who were becoming dissatisfied with Pertinax.
Nonetheless, it was they who determined Rome’s next emperor.
The ensuing episode is reported with disgust by Herodian and others: After
assassinating Pertinax, the Praetorians proceeded to auction off the Principate at the
gates of their barracks in Rome. Two senators were in the bidding: Titus Flavius
Sulpicianus, the City Prefect and father-in-law of Pertinax, and Marcus Didius
Severus Julianus. The latter won with his promise of 25,000 sesterces per man, more
than double what Pertinax had given three months earlier. Cowed by the Praetorians,
the senate ratified their choice. The Roman populace rioted throughout the
city and staged an all-night protest in the Circus Maximus.
But the armies outside of Rome, who vastly outnumbered the Praetorians, had
already declared emperors of their own. The three legions in Syria declared for
Gaius Pescennius Niger, and seven other legions in the East followed their lead.
Britain’s three legions and auxiliary troops declared for their own commander,
Decimus Clodius Albinus. The legion at Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia (modern
Petronell, Austria) acclaimed as emperor their commander and governor, Lucius
Septimius Severus; his support then spread to the other legions on the Danube
and the Rhine, sixteen in all. Severus was the shrewdest of the three claimants,
according to Cassius Dio. He set off for Rome immediately, and reduced the threat
from his rivals by appointing Albinus “Caesar” over Britain, Gaul, and Spain. As
the Praetorians’ loyalty to Didius Julianus began to waver, the senate sentenced
him to death, and acclaimed Septimius Severus instead. Didius Julianus was
killed at the beginning of June 193. Aweek later, Septimius Severus entered Rome
as Princeps.
Septimius Severus was as politically astute as he was militarily brilliant. He
entered the city as a civilian in a toga, as had Trajan, but he did not disband the
cavalry and infantry forces accompanying him. He had the damnation of Commodus’
memory cancelled, and Pertinax deified; the senate confirmed his own
assumption of the name Pertinax. The purpose of these measures was to link himself
to recent emperors, and to forge a tie with the senatorial favorite Pertinax. In
order to break the excessive power that the Praetorians had been wielding in the
city, he dismissed this fickle body of troops, and replaced them with legionaries
selected for their valor and loyalty. He stationed a legion about thirteen miles (21
km) southeast of Rome at Castra Albana (modern Albano Laziale), and increased

 

the size of the city’s “watchmen” units (vigiles) and the Urban Cohorts. These additional
forces there offset the extraordinary power that the Praetorians had wielded.
No legion had ever been stationed far from a war zone or disturbed area before, let
alone in Italy.
With Rome secured and Albinus placated, Septimius Severus next marched
east against Niger, who had moved north into the province of Asia.

 

BOX 12.3: Deification Ceremonies for Pertinax in Septimius Severus’ Rome
Cassius Dio, as an eyewitness, describes Septimius Severus’ honors for Pertinax in 193. The
following excerpt shows the awesome elaboration of the ceremony, as well as some of the ways
in which divine attributes and trappings were bestowed upon emperors.
Upon establishing himself in power, Septimius Severus erected a shrine to Pertinax,
and commanded that his name should be mentioned at the close of all prayers and all
oaths; he also ordered that a golden image of Pertinax should be carried into the
Circus Maximus on a chariot drawn by elephants. . . . In the Roman Forum a wooden
platform was constructed next to the marble rostra, upon which was set a shrine made
of ivory and gold. In it there was placed a bier of the same materials adorned with
coverings of purple and gold. Upon the bier rested an effigy of Pertinax in wax, laid
out in triumphal costume; there was a handsome youth keeping the flies away from
it with peacock feathers, as though it were really a person sleeping. . . . There moved
past, first, images of all the famous Romans of old, then choruses of boys and men,
singing a dirge-like hymn to Pertinax; next followed all the subject nations, represented
by bronze figures attired in native costume, and then groups within Rome
itself—lictors, scribes, heralds, and the like. . . . Behind these were the cavalry and
infantry in armor, the racehorses, and all the funeral offerings sent by the emperor, by
us [senators] and our wives and the more distinguished equites, as well as by communities
and by associations in Rome. Following them came an altar gilded all over and
decorated with ivory and Indian gems. [After a eulogy by Septimius Severus, the bier
was taken in procession to a funeral pyre built like a tower in the Campus Martius.
Then, after the offerings had been thrown onto the pyre, and soldiers had performed
some further pageantry around it,] at last the consuls applied fire to the structure, and
when that had been done, an eagle flew up out it. In this way Pertinax was made
immortal. (75.4.1–5.5; translation excerpted and adapted from the Loeb edition)

 

A cabiNeT
of
RoMAN
CuRiosiTieS
Strange Tales
and
surprising facts
from the
world’s greatest empire
J. C. McKeown

 

Commodus was strangled in his bath by a wrestler named Narcissus. It
would be good to know whether his erstwhile bath attendant lived long
enough to learn this. If he had been strangled a day later, there would
have been six claimants to power in a.d. 193, as there were in 238.

 

Th ree years after his murder in the bath, Commodus was declared
a god by his successor, Septimius Severus.

 

Encyclopedia Of Roman Empire, Mathew Bunson

0.GIF

Ответить

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

только сегодня прочел что его последние слова были 'я был всем - и так мало сделал...'

как знать, если бы сохранился августовский принцип адаптивной империи - усыновление лучших, может у него был бы шанс стать императором раньше, на законных основаниях и без гражданской войны?

А разве августовская система дала шанс стать императорами Марку Випсанию Агриппе, Германику и др. замечательным деятелям? Зависть императора или людей из его окружения никогда не давали превозноситься кому-либо настолько талантливому, чтобы вызывать чью-либо зависть. Идеальной системы, как и идеальных людей, не бывает. А Септимий Север был человеком своего времени. И оказался очень хорошим приспособленцем, чем и объясняется его большой успех в карьере. К тому-же, уже став императором он показал, что неплохо понимает проблемы управления. Единственный его большой минус был в том, что он чересчур любил Каракаллу, и не стал устранять его от престолонаследия, хотя отлично понимал, чем его правление будет черевато для Империи...

Ответить

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

Википедия (англоязычная и русскоязычная):

 

Septimius Severus (Latin: Lucius Septimius Severus Augustus;[4] 11 April 145 – 4 February 211), also known as Severus, was Roman Emperor from 193 to 211. Severus was born in Leptis Magna in the province of Africa. As a young man he advanced through the cursus honorum—the customary succession of offices—under the reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Commodus. Severus seized power after the death of Emperor Pertinax in 193 during the Year of the Five Emperors.[5]


After deposing and killing the incumbent emperor Didius Julianus, Severus fought his rival claimants, the generals Pescennius Niger and Clodius Albinus.

 

Early life
Family and education

Septimius Severus was born on 11 April 145 at Leptis Magna (in present-day Libya), son of Publius Septimius Geta and Fulvia Pia.[2] Severus came from a wealthy, distinguished family of equestrian rank. He was of Italian Roman ancestry on his mother's side and Phoenician ancestry on his father's side.[12]

Severus' father was an obscure provincial who held no major political status, but he had two cousins, Publius Septimius Aper and Gaius Septimius Severus, who served as consuls under emperor Antoninus Pius. His mother's ancestors had moved from Italy to North Africa: they belonged to the gens Fulvia, an Italian patrician family that originated in Tusculum.[13] Severus' siblings were an older brother, Publius Septimius Geta, and a younger sister, Septimia Octavilla. Severus’s maternal cousin was Praetorian prefect and consul Gaius Fulvius Plautianus.[12]

Septimius Severus was brought up at his home town of Leptis Magna. He spoke the local Punic language fluently but he was also educated in Latin and Greek, which he spoke with a slight accent. Little else is known of the young Severus' education but according to Cassius Dio, the boy had been eager for more education than he had actually got. Presumably, Severus received lessons in oratory, and at age 17, he gave his first public speech.[14]
Public service

Sometime around 162, Septimius Severus set out for Rome seeking a public career. By recommendation of his "uncle", Gaius Septimius Severus, he was granted entry into the senatorial ranks by emperor Marcus Aurelius.[15] Membership of the senatorial order was a prerequisite to attain positions within the cursus honorum, and to gain entry into the Roman Senate. Nevertheless, it appears that Severus' career during the 160s was beset with some difficulties.[16]

It is likely that he served as a vigintivir in Rome, overseeing road maintenance in or near the city, and he may have appeared in court as an advocate.[16] However, he omitted the military tribunate from the cursus honorum and was forced to delay his quaestorship until he had reached the required minimum age of 25.[16] To make matters worse, the Antonine Plague swept through the capital in 166.[17]

With his career at a halt, Severus decided to temporarily return to Leptis, where the climate was healthier.[17] According to the Historia Augusta, a usually unreliable source, he was prosecuted for adultery during this time but the case was ultimately dismissed. At the end of 169, Severus was of the required age to become a quaestor and journeyed back to Rome. On 5 December, he took office and was officially enrolled in the Roman Senate.[18]

Between 170 and 180 the activities of Septimius Severus went largely unrecorded, in spite of the fact that he occupied an impressive number of posts in quick succession. The Antonine Plague had severely thinned the senatorial ranks and with capable men now in short supply, Severus' career advanced more steadily than it otherwise might have. After his first term as quaestor, he was ordered to serve a second term at Baetica (southern Spain),[19] but circumstances prevented Severus from taking up the appointment.

The sudden death of his father necessitated a return to Leptis Magna to settle family affairs. Before he was able to leave Africa, Moorish tribesmen invaded southern Spain. Control of the province was handed over to the Emperor, while the Senate gained temporary control of Sardinia as compensation. Thus, Septimius Severus spent the remainder of his second term as quaestor on the island.[20]

In 173, Severus' kinsman Gaius Septimius Severus was appointed proconsul of the Africa Province. The elder Severus chose his cousin as one of his two legati pro praetore.[21] Following the end of this term, Septimius Severus travelled back to Rome, taking up office as tribune of the plebs, with the distinction of being candidatus of the emperor.[16]
Marriages

Septimius Severus was already in his early thirties at the time of his first marriage. In about 175, he married a woman from Leptis Magna named Paccia Marciana.[16] It is likely that he met her during his tenure as legate under his uncle. Marciana's name reveals that she was of Punic or Libyan origin but virtually nothing else is known of her. Septimius Severus does not mention her in his autobiography, though he later commemorated her with statues when he became Emperor. The Historia Augusta claims that Marciana and Severus had two daughters but their existence is nowhere else attested. It appears that the marriage produced no children, despite lasting for more than ten years.[16]

Marciana died of natural causes around 186.[16] Septimius Severus was now in his forties and still childless. Eager to remarry, he began enquiring into the horoscopes of prospective brides. The Historia Augusta relates that he heard of a woman in Syria who had been foretold that she would marry a king, and therefore Severus sought her as his wife.[16]

This woman was an Emesan Syrian woman named Julia Domna. Her father, Julius Bassianus, descended from the royal house of Samsigeramus and Sohaemus, and served as a high priest to the local cult of the sun god Elagabal.[16] Domna's older sister was Julia Maesa, later grandmother to the future emperors Elagabalus and Alexander Severus.

Bassianus accepted Severus' marriage proposal in early 187, and the following summer he and Julia were married.[16] The marriage proved to be a happy one and Severus cherished his wife and her political opinions, since she was very well-read and keen on philosophy. Together, they had two sons, Lucius Septimius Bassianus (later nicknamed Caracalla, b. 4 April 188) and Publius Septimius Geta (b. 7 March 189).[16]

 

Rise to power

 

In 191 Severus received from the Emperor Commodus the command of the legions in Pannonia. However, Commodus was assassinated the following year. Pertinax was acclaimed emperor but was killed by the Praetorian Guard in early 193. In response to the murder of Pertinax, Severus' soldiers proclaimed him Emperor at Carnuntum, whereupon he hurried to Italy.

Pertinax's successor in Rome was Didius Julianus, who had bought the emperorship in an auction. Julianus was condemned to death by the Senate and killed, and Severus took possession of Rome without opposition. He executed Pertinax's murderers and dismissed the rest of the Praetorian Guard, populating its ranks with loyal troops from his own legions.

The legions of Syria, however, had proclaimed Pescennius Niger emperor. At the same time, Severus felt it was reasonable to offer Clodius Albinus, the powerful governor of Britannia who had probably supported Didius against him, the rank of Caesar, which implied some claim to succession. With his rearguard safe, he moved to the East and crushed Niger's forces at the Battle of Issus.

 

2^ Jump up to: a b Birley (1999), p. 1.

4Jump up ^ In Classical Latin, Severus' name would be inscribed as LVCIVS SEPTIMIVS SEVERVS
AVGVSTVS.
5^ Jump up to: a b Birley (1999), p. 113.

 

12^ Jump up to: a b Birley (1999), pp. 216–217.
13Jump up ^ Adam, Alexander, Classical biography,Google eBook, p.182: FULVIUS, the name of a
"gens" which originally came from Tusculum (Cic. Planc. 8).
14Jump up ^ Birley (1999), pp. 34–35.
15Jump up ^ Birley (1999), p. 39.
16^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j k Birley (1999), p. 40.
17^ Jump up to: a b Birley (1999), p. 45.
18Jump up ^ Birley (1999), p. 46.
19Jump up ^ Birley (1999), p. 49.
20Jump up ^ Birley (1999), p. 50.
21Jump up ^ Birley (1999), p. 51.
22Jump up ^ Gabriel, Richard A. Hannibal: The Military Biography of Rome's Greatest Enemy, Potomac
Books, Inc., 2011 ISBN 1-597-97766-7, Google books

 

http://en.wikipedia....ptimius_Severus

 

Лу́ций Септи́мий Севе́р (лат. Lucius Septimius Severus) (11 апреля 146 — (4 февраля 211) — римский император с 9 апреля 193 по 4 февраля 211. Луций Септимий Север был сыном Публия Септимия Геты старшего и Флавии Пии.

 

Выходец из провинции в Африке. Родился в Лептис-Магне (Leptis Magna), бывшей финикийской колонии в 620 милях от Карфагена. Его сестра так и не выучила латыни, поэтому, когда Север стал императором и она прибыла к брату, он просто выслал её из Рима, чтобы она не портила императорской репутации. Образование Септимий Север получал и дома, и в Риме.

Стал сенатором благодаря усилиям императора Марка Аврелия. Позже Север получил управление Бетикой, Сардинией и Сицилией. В 190 году н. э. он стал консулом, в следующем году стал командующим придунайскими легионами, расквартированными в Паннонии.

После убийства императора Пертинакса преторианцами в 193 году, Север был провозглашён верными ему войсками императором. Однако в Риме преторианцы буквально разыграли аукцион за императорский трон и посадили на него состоятельного римлянина Дидия Юлиана. Север тотчас же воззвал к покойному Пертинаксу и, следуя примеру своих предшественников, прибавил к своему имени его имя (Imperator Lucius Septimius Severus Pertinax Augustus). После этого он повёл свои легионы на Италию, которая сдалась Септимию без сопротивления — оказалось, что у Юлиана просто не хватало денег, чтобы заплатить за престол, и он был свергнут Сенатом, после чего казнён.

В борьбе с самозванцем Юлианом Септимий Север опирался на поддержку двух других конкурентов на престол, Песценния Нигера в Сирии на востоке и Клодия Септимия Альбина в Британии на западе. Вступив в Рим, Север был вынужден повернуть оружие против своих партнеров. В результате Север распустил опасных преторианцев и организовал вместо них гвардию из отборных солдат разных легионов, преимущественно из Дакии, Мёзии и Иллирии.

Для того, чтобы сокрушить Нигера, заключившего договор с парфянами, Север в 194 году усыновил Альбина, сделав его главнокомандующим войсками в Британии, Галлии и Испании и своим соправителем.

 

Властелины Рима: Биографии римских императоров от Адриана до Диоклетиана / Пер. с лат. С.П. Кондратьева. М.: Наука, 1992. 384 с. [Scriptores Historiae Augustae].
Геродиан. История императорской власти после Марка. М.: РОССПЭН, 1996. 272 с. (Классики античности и средневековья).
Дион Кассий Коккейан. Римская история. Книги LXIV-LXXX. 69-229 гг. н. э. СПб.: Изд-во СПбГУ, 2011. 456 с. (Fontes scripti antiqui).
Birley, Anthony. The African Emperor: Septimius Severus. London, Routledge, 1999 (Routledge Imperial Biographies).
Daguet-Gagey, А. Septime Sévère, Paris, 2000.
Cooley, Alison. Septimius Severus: the Augustan Emperor. - In: Severan culture. Edited by Simon Swain, Stephen Harrison and Jas Elsner. Cambridge, CUP, 2007,
Lichtenberger, Achim. Severus Pius Augustus: Studien zur sakralen Repräsentation und Rezeption der Herrschaft des Septimius Severus und seiner Familie (193-211 n. chr.) (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2011) (Impact of Empire, 14).

http://ru.wikipedia..../Септимий_Север

Ответить

Фотография andy4675 andy4675 28.12 2013

Эдуард Гиббон, Закат и Падение Римской империи, том I:

0.GIF

1.GIF

3.GIF

Ответить

Фотография Lion Lion 28.12 2013

У меня вот какой вопрос - кроме Диона, какой источник еще говорит о его восточных походах?

Ответить

Фотография MARCELLVS MARCELLVS 28.12 2013

У меня вот какой вопрос - кроме Диона, какой источник еще говорит о его восточных походах?

Геродиан (III 9, 1-12) и SHA (Sev. XVI 1-6)

Ответить

Фотография MARCELLVS MARCELLVS 28.12 2013

только сегодня прочел что его последние слова были 'я был всем - и так мало сделал...'
 

Вольный перевод фразы   - 

omnia fui et nihil expedit

Я был всем, и все это ни к чему (SHA Sev. XVIII, 11)

как знать, если бы сохранился августовский принцип адаптивной империи - усыновление лучших, может у него был бы шанс стать императором раньше, на законных основаниях и без гражданской войны? 

Принцип не сработал бы по причине наличия у М. Аврелия родного сына; прежние императоры из Антонинов сыновей не имели, а потому имели выбор усыновить достойнейшего. В данном случае гражданская война была неминуема, ибо Клодий Альбин и Песценний Нигер ничем не уступали Северу....


Сообщение отредактировал MARCELLVS: 28.12.2013 - 10:05 AM
Ответить

Фотография MARCELLVS MARCELLVS 28.12 2013

Иоанн Малала, писавший четырьмя столетиями позднее, обратил внимание на то, что Север был темнокожим

 

В данном случае μελάγχροος Малалы лучше переводить как "смуглый", так как в противном случае у нас получится, что и имп. Аркадий также едва ли не негр - а ведь в отношении него Филосторгий высказался гораздо жестче - χρμα μλας.

Ответить

Фотография Бероэс Бероэс 28.12 2013

только сегодня прочел что его последние слова были 'я был всем - и так мало сделал...'

как знать, если бы сохранился августовский принцип адаптивной империи - усыновление лучших, может у него был бы шанс стать императором раньше, на законных основаниях и без гражданской войны?

 

Август не имел сыновей.
А Септимий Север получил корону в результате гражданской войны, разразившейся после убийства Пертинакса.
С системой престолонаследия эта война  никоим образом не была связана


Сообщение отредактировал Бероэс: 28.12.2013 - 13:35 PM
Ответить

Фотография Бероэс Бероэс 28.12 2013

 "(Септимий Север) под страхом тяжелого наказания запретил обращение в иудейство; то же он установил и относительно христиан»

 

(Scr. hist. Aug. XVII 1).

«Жизнеописания Севера»

 

 

Септимий Север был первым императором, который (на законодательном уровне) различал между иудаизмом и христианством.


Сообщение отредактировал Бероэс: 28.12.2013 - 13:38 PM
Ответить

Фотография ddd ddd 28.12 2013

Август не имел сыновей.
А Септимий Север получил корону в результате гражданской войны, разразившейся после убийства Пертинакса.
С системой престолонаследия эта война  никоим образом не была связана

вы видимо не прочитали мое сообщение или не поняли о чем речь.

погуглите адаптивная империя.

 

 

PS пертинакс вообще не причем, сам узурпатор.

Ответить

Фотография ddd ddd 28.12 2013

Принцип не сработал бы по причине наличия у М. Аврелия родного сына; прежние императоры из Антонинов сыновей не имели, а потому имели выбор усыновить достойнейшего. В данном случае гражданская война была неминуема, ибо Клодий Альбин и Песценний Нигер ничем не уступали Северу....

разве в ранней империи не было примеров передачи престола при имеющихся детях?
Ответить

Фотография MARCELLVS MARCELLVS 28.12 2013

разве в ранней империи не было примеров передачи престола при имеющихся детях?

Существует единственное исключение - Клавдий, который при живом родном сыне усыновил Нерона и фактически оставил его императором. Однако тут есть один нюанс - при усыновлении старшим сыном становится Нерон (род. в 37 г.), а не Британник, родившийся в 41 году. 

Ответить